The likelihood that these stories arise from contact with Europeans rather than extraterrestrials has been increased by a recent astronomical finding: a Cornell University research team led by James Elliot, employing a high-altitude airborne observatory over the Indian Ocean, discovered in 1977 that the planet Uranus is surrounded by rings—a finding never hinted at by ground-based observations. Advanced extraterrestrial beings viewing our solar system upon approach to Earth would have little difficulty discovering the rings of Uranus. But European astronomers in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries would have had nothing to say in this regard. The fact that the Dogon do not talk of another planet beyond Saturn with rings suggests to me that their informants were European, not extraterrestrial.
In 1844 the German astronomer F. W. Bessel discovered that the long-term motion of Sirius itself (Sirius A) was not straight but, rather, wavy against the background of more distant stars. Bessel proposed that there was a dark companion to Sirius whose gravitational influence was producing the observed sinusoidal motion. Since the period of the wiggle was fifty years, Bessel deduced that the dark companion had a fifty-year period in the joint motion of Sirius A and B about their common center of mass.
Eighteen years later Alvan G. Clark, during the testing of a new 18½-inch refracting telescope, accidentally discovered the companion, Sirius B, by direct visual observation. From the relative motions, Newtonian gravitational theory permits us to estimate the masses of Sirius A and B. The companion turns out to have a mass just about the same as the Sun’s. But Sirius B is almost ten thousand times fainter than Sirius A, even though their masses are about the same and they are just the same distance from the Earth. These facts can be reconciled only if Sirius B has a much smaller radius or a much lower temperature. But in the late nineteenth century it was believed by astronomers that stars of the same mass had approximately the same temperature, and by the turn of the century it was widely held that the temperature of Sirius B was not remarkably low. Spectroscopic observations by Walter S. Adams in 1915 confirmed this contention. Hence, Sirius B must be very small. We know today that it is only as big as the Earth. Because of its size and color it is called a white dwarf. But if Sirius B is much smaller than Sirius A, its density must be very much greater. Accordingly, the concept of Sirius B as an extremely dense star was widely held in the first few decades of this century.
The peculiar nature of the companion of Sirius was extensively reported in books and in the press. For example, in Sir Arthur Stanley Eddington’s book The Nature of the Physical World, we read: “Astronomical evidence seems to leave practically no doubt that in the so-called white dwarf stars the density of matter far transcends anything of which we have terrestrial experience; in the Companion of Sirius, for example, the density is about a ton to the cubic inch. This condition is explained by the fact that the high temperature and correspondingly intense agitation of the material breaks up (ionises) the outer electron system of the atoms, so that the fragments can be packed much more closely together.” Within a year of its 1928 publication, this book saw ten reprintings in English. It was translated into many languages, including French. The idea that white dwarfs were made of electron degenerate matter had been proposed by R. H. Fowler in 1925 and quickly accepted. On the other hand, the proposal that white dwarfs were made of “relativistically degenerate” matter was first made in the period 1934 to 1937, in Great Britain, by the Indian astrophysicist S. Chandrasekhar; the idea was greeted with substantial skepticism by astronomers who had not grown up with quantum mechanics. One of the most vigorous skeptics was Eddington. The debate was covered in the scientific press and was accessible to the intelligent layman. All this was occurring just before Griaule encountered the Dogon Sirius legend.
In my mind’s eye I picture a Gallic visitor to the Dogon people, in what was then French West Africa, in the early part of this century. He may have been a diplomat, an explorer, an adventurer or an early anthropologist Such people—for example, Richard Francis Burton—were in West Africa many decades earlier. The conversation turns to astronomical lore. Sirius is the brightest star in the sky. The Dogon regale the visitor with their Sirius mythology. Then, smiling politely, expectantly, they inquire of their visitor what his Sirius myths might be. Perhaps he refers before answering to a well-worn book in his baggage. The white dwarf companion of Sirius being a current astronomical sensation, the traveler exchanges a spectacular myth for a routine one. After he leaves, his account is remembered, retold, and eventually incorporated into the corpus of Dogon mythology—or at least into a collateral branch (perhaps filed under “Sirius myths, bleached peoples’ account”). When Marcel Griaule makes mythological inquiries in the 1930s and 1940s, he has his own European Sirius myth played back to him.
THIS FULL-CYCLE RETURN of a myth to its culture of origin through an unwary anthropologist might sound unlikely if there were not so many examples of it in anthropological lore. I here recount a few cases:
In the first decade of the twentieth century a neophyte anthropologist was collecting accounts of ancient traditions from Native American populations in the Southwest. His concern was to write down the traditions, almost exclusively oral, before they vanished altogether. The young Native Americans had already lost appreciable contact with their heritage, and the anthropologist concentrated on elderly members of the tribe. One day he found himself sitting outside a hogan with an aged but lively and cooperative informant.
“Tell me about the ceremonies of your ancestors at the birth of a child.”
“Just one moment.”
The old Indian slowly shuffled into the darkened depths of the hogan. After a fifteen-minute interval he reappeared with a remarkably useful and detailed description of postpartum ceremonials, including rituals connected with breach presentation, afterbirth, umbilical cord, first breath and first cry. Encouraged and writing feverishly, the anthropologist systematically went through the full list of rites of passage, including puberty, marriage, childbearing and death. In each case the informant disappeared into the hogan only to emerge a quarter of an hour later with a rich set of answers. The anthropologist was astonished. Could, he wondered, there be a yet older informant, perhaps infirm and bedriden, within the hogan? Eventually he could resist no longer and summoned the courage to ask his informant what he did at each retreat into the hogan. The old man smiled, withdrew for the last time, and returned clutching a well-thumbed volume of the Dictionary of American Ethnography, which had been compiled by anthropologists in the previous decade. The poor white man, he must have thought, is eager, well-meaning and ignorant. He does not have a copy of this marvelous book which contains the traditions of my people. I shall tell him what it says.
My other two stories recount the adventures of an extraordinary physician, Dr. D. Carleton Gajdusek, who for many years has studied kuru, a rare viral disease, among the inhabitants of New Guinea. For this work he was the recipient of the 1976 Nobel Prize for Medicine. I am grateful to Dr. Gajdusek for taking the trouble to check my memory of his stories, which I first heard from him many years ago. New Guinea is an island on which mountainous terrain separates—in a manner similar to but more completely than the mountains of ancient Greece—one valley people from another. As a result there is a great profusion and variety of cultural traditions.
In the spring of 1957 Gajdusek and Dr. Vincent Zigas, a medical officer with the Public Health Service of what was then called the Territory of Papua and New Guinea, traveled with an Australian administrative patrol officer from the Purosa Valley through the ranges of the South Fore cultural and linguistic-group region to the village of Agakamatasa on an exploratory visit into “uncontrolled territory.” Stone implements were still in use, and there remained a tradition of cannibalism within one’s own living group. Gajdusek and his party found cases of kuru, which is spread by cannibalism (but most often not through the digestive tract), in this most remote of the South Fore villages. They decided to spend a few days, moving into on
e of the large and traditional wa’e, or men’s houses (the music from one of which, incidentally, was sent to the stars on the Voyager phonograph record). The windowless, low-doored, smoky thatched house was partitioned so that the visitors could neither stand erect nor stretch out. It was divided into many sleeping compartments, each with its own small fire, around which men and boys would huddle in groups to sleep and keep warm during the cold nights at an elevation of more than 6,000 feet, an altitude higher than Denver. To accommodate their visitors, the men and boys gleefully tore out the interior structure of half of the ceremonial men’s house, and during two days and nights of pouring rain Gajdusek and his companions were housebound on a high, windswept, cloud-covered ridge. The young Fore initiates wore bark strands braided into their hair, which was covered with pig grease. They wore huge nose pieces, the penises of pigs as armbands, and the genitalia of opossums and tree-climbing kangaroos as pendants around their necks.
The hosts sang their traditional songs all through the first night and on through the following rainy day. In return, “to enhance our rapport with them,” as Gajdusek says, “we began to sing songs in exchange—among them such Russian songs as ‘Otchi chornye,’ and ‘Moi kostyor v tumane svetit’ …” This was received very well, and the Agakamatasa villagers requested many dozens of repetitions in the smoky South Fore longhouse to the accompaniment of the driving rainstorm.
Some years later Gajdusek was engaged in the collection of indigenous music in another part of the South Fore region and asked a group of young men to run through their repertoire of traditional songs. To Gajdusek’s amazement and amusement, they produced a somewhat altered but still clearly recognizable version of “Otchi chornye.” Many of the singers apparently thought the song traditional, and later still Gajdusek found the song imported even farther afield, with none of the singers having any idea of its source.
We can easily imagine some sort of world ethnomusicology survey coming to an exceptionally obscure part of New Guinea and discovering that the natives had a traditional song which sounded in rhythm, music and words remarkably like “Otchi chornye.” If they were to believe that no previous contact of Westerners with these people had occurred, a great mystery could be posited.
Later that same year Gajdusek was visited by several Australian physicians, eager to understand the remarkable findings about the transmission of kuru from patient to patient by cannibalism. Gajdusek described the theories of the origin of many diseases held by the Fore people, who did not believe that illnesses were caused by the spirits of the dead or that malicious deceased relatives, jealous of the living, inflicted disease on those of their surviving kinsmen who offended them, as the pioneering anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski had recounted for the coastal peoples of Melanesia. Instead, the Fore attributed most diseases to malicious sorcery, which any offended and avenging male, young or old, could execute without the aid of specially trained sorcerers. There was a special sorcery explanation for kuru, but also for chronic lung disease, leprosy, yaws, and so on. These beliefs had been long-established and firmly held, but as the Fore people witnessed yaws yielding entirely to the penicillin injections of Gajdusek and his group, they quickly agreed that the sorcery explanation of yaws was in error and abandoned it; it has never resurfaced in subsequent years. (I wish Westerners would be as quick to abandon obsolete or erroneous social ideas as the Fore of New Guinea.) Modern treatment of leprosy caused its sorcery explanation to disappear as well, although more slowly, and the Fore people today laugh at these backward early opinions on yaws and leprosy. But the traditional views on the origin of kuru have maintained themselves, since the Westerners have been unable to cure or explain, in a manner satisfactory to them, the origin and nature of this disease. Thus, the Fore people remain intensely skeptical of Western explanations for kuru and retain firmly their view that malicious sorcery is the cause.
One of the Australian physicians, visiting an adjacent village with one of Gajdusek’s native informants as translator, spent the day examining kuru patients and independently acquiring information. He returned the same evening to inform Gajdusek that he was mistaken about people not believing in the spirits of the dead as the cause of disease, and that he was further in error in holding that they had abandoned the idea of sorcery as the cause of yaws. The people held, he continued, that a dead body could become invisible and that the unseen spirit of the dead person could enter the skin of a patient at night through an imperceptible break, and induce yaws. The Australian’s informant had even sketched with a stick in the sand the appearance of these ghostly beings. They carefully drew a circle and a few squiggly lines within. Outside the circle, they explained, it was black; inside the circle, bright—a sand portrait of malevolent and pathogenic spirits.
Upon inquiry of the young translator, Gajdusek discovered that the Australian physician had conversed with some of the older men of the village who were well known to Gajdusek and who were often his house and laboratory guests. They had attempted to explain that the shape of the “germ” producing yaws was spiral—the spirochete form they had seen many times through Gajdusek’s dark-field microscope. They had to admit it was invisible—it could be seen only through the microscope—and when pressed by the Australian physician on whether this “represented” the dead person, they had to admit that Gajdusek had stressed that it could be caught from close contact with yaws lesions, as, for example, by sleeping with a person with yaws.
I can well remember the first time I looked through a microscope. After focusing my eyes up near the ocular only to examine my eyelashes, and then peering further into the pitch-black interior of the barrel, I finally managed to look straight down the microscope tube to be dazzled by an illuminated disc of light. It takes a little while for the eye to train itself to examine what is in the disc. Gajdusek’s demonstration to the Fore people was so powerful—after all, the alternatives entirely lacked so concrete a reality—that many accepted his story, even apart from his ability to cure the disease with penicillin. Perhaps some considered the spirochetes in the microscope an amusing example of white-man myth and minor magic, and when another white man arrived querying the origin of disease, they politely returned to him the idea they believed he would be comfortable with. Had Western contact with the Fore people ceased for fifty years, it seems to me entirely possible that a future visitor would discover to his astonishment that the Fore people somehow had knowledge of medical microbiology, despite their largely pretechnological culture.
All three of these stories underline the almost inevitable problems encountered in trying to extract from a “primitive” people their ancient legends. Can you be sure that others have not come before you and destroyed the pristine state of the native myth? Can you be sure that the natives are not humoring you or pulling your leg? Bronislaw Malinowski thought he had discovered a people in the Trobriand Islands who had not worked out the connection between sexual intercourse and childbirth. When asked how children were conceived, they supplied him with an elaborate mythic structure prominently featuring celestial intervention. Amazed, Malinowski objected that was not how it was done at all, and supplied them instead with the version so popular in the West today—including a nine-month gestation period. “Impossible,” replied the Melanesians. “Do you not see that woman over there with her six-month-old child? Her husband has been on an extended voyage to another island for two years.” Is it more likely that the Melanesians were ignorant of the begetting of children or that they were gently chiding Malinowski? If some peculiar-looking stranger came into my town and asked me where babies came from, I’d certainly be tempted to tell him about storks and cabbages. Pre-scientific people are people. Individually they are as clever as we are. Field interrogation of informants from a different culture is not always easy.
I wonder if the Dogon, having heard from a Westerner an extraordinarily inventive myth about the star Sirius—a star already important in their own mythology—did not carefully play it back to the visiting Fre
nch anthropologist. Is this not more likely than a visit by extraterrestrial spacefarers to ancient Egypt, with one cluster of hard scientific knowledge, in striking contradiction to common sense, preserved by oral tradition, over the millennia, and only in West Africa?
There are too many loopholes, too many alternative explanations for such a myth to provide reliable evidence of past extraterrestrial contact. If there are extraterrestrials, I think it much more likely that unmanned planetary spacecraft and large radiotelescopes will prove to be the means of their detection.
* A detailed discussion of the Pioneer 10 and 11 plaque can be found in my book The Cosmic Connection (New York, Doubleday, 1973); and the phonograph records aboard Voyager 1 and 2 are comprehensively described in Murmurs of Earth: The Voyager Interstellar Record (New York, Random House, 1978).
* The ancient Egyptian phrase for the planet Mars translates to “the red Horns,” Horns being the imperial falcon deity. Thus Egyptian astronomy noted remarkable coloration in celestial objects. But the description of Sirius mentions nothing notable about its color.
CHAPTER 7
VENUS AND
DR. VELIKOVSKY