Read Fingerprints of the Gods Page 21


  Meanwhile, let us consider the Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead. Parts

  of its contents are as old as the civilization of Egypt itself and it serves as

  a sort of Baedeker for the transmigration of the soul. It instructs the

  deceased on how to overcome the dangers of the afterlife, enables him to

  assume the form of several mythical creatures, and equips him with the

  passwords necessary for admission to the various stages, or levels, of the

  underworld.12

  Is it a coincidence that the peoples of Ancient Central America

  preserved a parallel vision of the perils of the afterlife? There it was

  6 The Mythology of Mexico and Central America, p. 148.

  7 Popol Vuh: The Sacred Book of the Ancient Quiche Maya, (English version by Delia

  Goetz and Sylvanus G. Morley from the translation by Adrian Recinos), University of

  Oklahoma Press, 1991, p. 163.

  8 Ibid., 164.

  9 Ibid., p. 181; The Mythology of Mexico and Central America, p. 147.

  10 The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, (trans. R. O. Faulkner), Oxford University Press,

  1969. Numerous Utterances refer directly to the stellar rebirth of the King, e.g. 248,

  264, 265, 268, and 570 (‘I am a star which illumines the sky’), etc.

  11 Ibid., Utt. 466, p. 155.

  12 The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, (trans. R. O. Faulkner), British Museum

  Publications, 1989.

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  widely believed that the underworld consisted of nine strata through

  which the deceased would journey for four years, overcoming obstacles

  and dangers on the way.13 The strata had self-explanatory names like

  ‘place where the mountains crash together’, ‘place where the arrows are

  fired’, ‘mountain of knives’, and so on. In both Ancient Central America

  and Ancient Egypt, it was believed that the deceased’s voyage through

  the underworld was made in a boat, accompanied by ‘paddler gods’ who

  ferried him from stage to stage.14 The tomb of ‘Double Comb’, an eighthcentury ruler of the Mayan city of Tikal, was found to contain a

  representation of this scene.15 Similar images appear throughout the

  Valley of the Kings in Upper Egypt, notably in the tomb of Thutmosis III,

  an Eighteenth Dynasty pharaoh.16 Is it a coincidence that the passengers

  in the barque of the dead pharaoh, and in the canoe in which Double

  Comb makes his final journey, include (in both cases) a dog or dogheaded deity, a bird or bird-headed deity, and an ape or ape-headed

  deity?17

  The seventh stratum of the Ancient Mexican underworld was called

  Teocoyolcualloya: ‘place where beasts devour hearts’.18

  Is it a coincidence that one of the stages of the Ancient Egyptian

  underworld, ‘the Hall of Judgement’, involved an almost identical series

  of symbols? At this crucial juncture the deceased’s heart was weighed

  against a feather. If the heart was heavy with sin it would tip the balance.

  The god Thoth would note the judgement on his palette and the heart

  would immediately be devoured by a fearsome beast, part crocodile, part

  hippopotamus, part lion, that was called ‘the Eater of the Dead’.19

  Finally, let us turn again to Egypt of the Pyramid Age and the privileged

  status of the pharaoh, which enabled him to circumvent the trials of the

  underworld and to be reborn as a star. Ritual incantations were part of

  the process. Equally important was a mysterious ceremony known as ‘the

  opening of the mouth’, always conducted after the death of the pharaoh

  13 Pre-Hispanic Gods of Mexico, p. 37.

  14 The Gods and Symbols of Ancient Mexico and the Maya, pp. 128-9.

  15 Reproduced in National Geographic Magazine, volume 176, Number 4, Washington

  DC, October 1989, p. 468: ‘Double Comb is being taken to the underworld in a canoe

  guided by the “paddler twins”, gods who appear prominently in Maya mythology. Other

  figures—an iguana, a monkey, a parrot, and a dog—accompany the dead ruler.’ We learn

  more of the mythological significance of dogs in Part V of this book.

  16 Details are reproduced in John Romer, Valley of the Kings, Michael O’Mara Books

  Limited, London, 1988, p. 167, and in J. A. West, The Traveller’s Key to Ancient Egypt,

  Harrap Columbus, London, 1989, pp. 282-97.

  17 In the case of Ancient Egypt the dog represents Upuaut, ‘the Opener of the Ways’, the

  bird (a hawk) represents Horus, and the ape, Thoth. See The Traveller’s Key To Ancient

  Egypt, p. 284, and The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, pp. 116-30. For Ancient

  Central America see note 15.

  18 Pre-Hispanic Gods of Mexico, p. 40.

  19 The Egyptian Book of the Dead (trans. E. A. Wallis Budge), Arkana, London and New

  York, 1986, p. 21.

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  and believed by archaeologists to date back to pre-dynastic times.20 The

  high priest and four assistants participated, wielding the peshenkhef, a

  ceremonial cutting instrument. This was used ‘to open the mouth’ of the

  deceased God-King, an action thought necessary to ensure his

  resurrection in the heavens. Surviving reliefs and vignettes showing this

  ceremony leave no doubt that the mummified corpse was struck a hard

  physical blow with the peshenkhef.21 In addition, evidence has recently

  emerged which indicates that one of the chambers within the Great

  Pyramid at Giza may have served as the location for the ceremony.22

  All this finds a strange, distorted twin in Mexico. We have seen the

  prevalence of human sacrifice there in pre-conquest times. Is it

  coincidental that the sacrificial venue was a pyramid, that the ceremony

  was conducted by a high priest and four assistants, that a cutting

  instrument, the sacrificial knife, was used to strike a hard physical blow

  to the body of the victim, and that the victim’s soul was believed to

  ascend directly to the heavens, sidestepping the perils of the

  underworld?23

  As such ‘coincidences’ continue to multiply, it is reasonable to wonder

  whether there may not be some underlying connection. This is certainly

  the case when we learn that the general term for ‘sacrifice’ throughout

  Ancient Central America was p’achi, meaning ‘to open the mouth’.24

  Could it be, therefore, that what confronts us here, in widely separated

  geographical areas, and at different periods of history, is not just a series

  of startling coincidences but some faint and garbled common memory

  originating in the most distant antiquity? It doesn’t seem that the

  Egyptian ceremony of the opening of the mouth influenced directly the

  Mexican ceremony of the same name (or vice versa, for that matter). The

  fundamental differences between the two cases rule that out. What does

  seem possible, however, is that their similarities may be the remnants of

  a shared legacy received from a common ancestor. The peoples of

  Central America did one thing with that legacy and the Egyptians another,

  but some common symbolism and nomenclature was retained by both.

  This is not the place to expand on the sense of an ancient and elusive

  connectedness that emerges from the Egyptian and Central American

  evidence. Bef
ore moving on, however, it is worth noting that a similar

  ‘connectedness’ links the belief systems of pre-Colombian Mexico with

  those of Sumer in Mesopotamia. Again the evidence is more suggestive of

  an ancient common ancestor than of any direct influence.

  20 See, for example, R. T. Rundle-Clark, Myth and Symbol in Ancient Egypt, Thames &

  Hudson, London, 1991, p. 29.

  21 Henri Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, University of Chicago Press, 1978, p. 134. The

  Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, e. g. Utts. 20, 21.

  22 Robert Bauval and Adrian Gilbert, The Orion Mystery, Wm. Heinemann, London, 1994,

  pp. 208-10, 270.

  23 The Gods and Symbols of Ancient Mexico and the Maya, pp. 40, 177.

  24 Maya History and Religion, p. 175.

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  Take the case of Oannes, for example.

  ‘Oannes’ is the Greek rendering of the Sumerian Uan, the name of the

  amphibious being, described in Part II, believed to have brought the arts

  and skills of civilization to Mesopotamia.25 Legends dating back at least

  5000 years relate that Uan lived under the sea, emerging from the waters

  of the Persian Gulf every morning to civilize and tutor mankind.26 Is it a

  coincidence that uaana, in the Mayan language, means ‘he who has his

  residence in water’?27

  Let us also consider Tiamat, the Sumerian goddess of the oceans and of

  the forces of primitive chaos, always shown as a ravening monster. In

  Mesopotamian tradition, Tiamat turned against the other deities and

  unleashed a holocaust of destruction before she was eventually destroyed

  by the celestial hero Marduk:

  She opened her mouth, Tiamat, to swallow him.

  He drove in the evil wind so that she could not close her lips.

  The terrible winds filled her belly. Her heart was seized,

  She held her mouth wide open,

  He let fly an arrow, it pierced her belly,

  Her inner parts he clove, he split her heart,

  He rendered her powerless and destroyed her life,

  He felled her body and stood upright on it.28

  How do you follow an act like that?

  Marduk could. Contemplating his adversary’s monstrous corpse, ‘he

  conceived works of art’,29 and a great plan of world creation began to

  take shape in his mind. His first move was to split Tiamat’s skull and cut

  her arteries. Then he broke her into two parts ‘like a dried fish’, using

  one half to roof the heavens and the other to surface the earth. From her

  breasts he made mountains, from her spittle, clouds, and he directed the

  rivers Tigris and Euphrates to flow from her eyes.30

  A strange and violent legend, and a very old one.

  The ancient civilizations of Central America had their own version of

  this story. Here Quetzalcoatl, in his incarnation as the creator deity, took

  the role of Marduk while the part of Tiamat was played by Cipactli, the

  ‘Great Earth Monster’. Quetzalcoatl seized Cipactli’s limbs ‘as she swam

  in the primeval waters and wrenched her body in half, one part forming

  the sky and the other the earth’. From her hair and skin he created grass,

  flowers and herbs; ‘from her eyes, wells and springs; from her shoulders,

  25 Stephanie Dalley, Myths from Mesopotamia, Oxford University Press, 1990, p. 326;

  Jeremy Black and Anthony Green, Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia,

  British Museum Press, 1992, pp. 163-4.

  26 Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 41.

  27 Mysteries of the Mexican Pyramids, p. 169; The God-Kings and the Titans, p. 234.

  28 New Larousse Encyclopaedia of Mythology, pp. 53-4.

  29 Ibid., p. 54.

  30 Ibid. See also Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 177.

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  mountains’.31

  Are the peculiar parallels between the Sumerian and Mexican myths

  pure coincidence or could both have been marked by the cultural

  fingerprints of a lost civilization? If so, the faces of the heroes of that

  ancestral culture may indeed have been carved in stone and passed down

  as heirlooms through thousands of years, sometimes in full view,

  sometimes buried, until they were dug up for the last time by

  archaeologists in our era and given labels like ‘Olmec Head’ and ‘Uncle

  Sam’.

  The faces of those heroes also appear at Monte Alban, where they seem

  to tell a sad story.

  Monte Alban.

  Monte Alban: the downfall of masterful men

  A site thought to be about 3000 years old,32 Monte Alban stands on a vast

  artificially flattened hilltop overlooking Oaxaca. It consists of a huge

  rectangular area, the Grand Plaza, which is enclosed by groups of

  pyramids and other buildings laid out in precise geometrical relationships

  to one another. The overall feel of the place is one of harmony and

  proportion emerging from a well-ordered and symmetrical plan.

  Following the advice of CICOM, whom I had spoken to before leaving

  Villahermosa, I made my way first to the extreme south-west corner of

  the Monte Alban site. There, stacked loosely against the side of a low

  31 Pre-Hispanic Gods of Mexico, p. 59; Inga Glendinnen, Aztecs, Cambridge University

  Press, 1991, p. 177. See also The Gods and Symbols of Ancient Mexico and the Maya, p.

  144.

  32 Mexico, p. 669.

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  pyramid, were the objects I had come all this way to see: several dozen

  engraved stelae depicting negroes and Caucasians ... equal in life ...

  equal in death.

  If a great civilization had indeed been lost to history, and if these

  sculptures told part of its story, the message conveyed was one of racial

  equality. No one who has seen the pride, or felt the charisma, of the great

  negro heads from La Venta could seriously imagine that the original

  subjects of these magisterial sculptures could have been slaves. Neither

  did the lean-faced, bearded men look as if they would have bent their

  knees to anyone. They, too, had an aristocratic demeanour.

  At Monte Alban, however, there seemed to be carved in stone a record

  of the downfall of these masterful men. It did not look as if this could

  have been the work of the same people who made the La Venta

  sculptures. The standard of craftsmanship was far too low for that. But

  what was certain—whoever they were, and however inferior their work—

  was that these artists had attempted to portray the same negroid

  subjects and the same goatee-bearded Caucasians as I had seen at La

  Venta. There the sculptures had reflected strength, power and vitality.

  Here at Monte Alban the remarkable strangers were corpses. All were

  naked, most were castrated, some were curled up in foetal positions as

  though to avoid showers of blows, others lay sprawled slackly.

  Archaeologists said the sculptures showed ‘the corpses of prisoners

  captured in battle’.33

  What prisoners? From where?

  The location, after all, was Central America, the New World, thousands

  of years before Columbus, so wasn’t it odd that these images of

  battlefie
ld casualties showed not a single native American but only and

  exclusively Old World racial types?

  For some reason, orthodox academics did not find this puzzling, even

  though, by their reckoning, the carvings were extremely old (dating to

  somewhere between 1000 and 600 BC34). As at other sites, this time-frame

  had been derived from tests on associated organic matter, not on the

  carvings themselves, which were incised on granite stele and therefore

  hard to date objectively.

  Legacy

  An as yet undeciphered but fully elaborated hieroglyphic script had been

  found at Monte Alban,35 much of it carved on to the same stele as the

  crude Caucasian and negro figures. Experts accepted that it was ‘the

  33 The Cities of Ancient Mexico, p. 53.

  34 The Ancient Kingdoms of Mexico, p. 53; Mexico, p. 671.

  35 The Ancient Kingdoms of Mexico, pp. 53-4; The Cities of Ancient Mexico, p. 50.

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  earliest-known writing in Mexico’.36 It was also clear that the people who

  had lived here had been accomplished builders and more than usually

  preoccupied with astronomy. An observatory, consisting of a strange

  arrowhead-shaped structure, lay at an angle of 45° to the main axis

  (which was deliberately tilted several degrees from north-south).37

  Crawling into this observatory, I found it to be a warren of tiny, narrow

  tunnels and steep internal stairways, giving sightlines to different regions

  of the sky.38

  The people of Monte Alban, like the people of Tres Zapotes, left definite

  evidence of their knowledge of mathematics, in the form of bar-and-dot

  computations.39 They had also used the remarkable calendar,40 introduced

  by the Olmecs and much associated with the later Maya,41 which predicted

  the end of the world on 23 December AD 2012.

  If the calendar, and the preoccupation with time, had been part of the

  legacy of an ancient and forgotten civilization, the Maya must be ranked

  as the most faithful and inspired inheritors of that legacy. ‘Time’ as the

  archaeologist Eric Thompson put it in 1950, ‘was the supreme mystery of

  Maya religion, a subject which pervaded Maya thought to an extent

  without parallel in the history of mankind.’42

  As I continued my journey through Central America I felt myself drawn

  ever more deeply into the labyrinths of that strange and awesome riddle.