financing from some unknown sources and was able to mount a campaign that overwhelmed his opponent. At the same time, the prior sheriff had been accosted by some men weeks before the election and was unable to campaign effectively. Cass cited the man’s disabilities as a sign that he was too old for the job. Now, after five subsequent terms in office, Cass was himself nearly disabled, suffering from diabetes and several other ailments; but, at this point, he ran unopposed for reelection. People were afraid of Cass.
He was severely overweight, suffering from all the fat-people problems of the time, but he still managed to receive large financial support at election time. It was rumored, but never proven, that he did “favors” for his supporters. No one ever accused him of murder, but he was implicated often in unsubstantiated claims of harassment by farmers and other people who objected to certain county projects or contracts awarded to select companies.
Cass was nearing fifty, but looked older with thin white hair cut short and hidden under a broad hat. At six feet, he wasn’t extremely tall, but the combination of his girth and height intimidated most people. He expected to be respected through physical intimidation and his badge. He could arrest people without provocation and get friendly judges to send them to prison for breaking ad hoc laws developed for the occasion. With the national ban on the sale, production, and transportation of alcohol, starting in 1920, Cass’ authority grew, along with his stomach. He owned several buildings in town that he purchased at auctions after confiscation from owners found guilty of peddling booze, whether true or not. Prohibition was a gold mine for him. No one dared to bid against him for these properties. Ironically, it was strongly rumored that his money to buy properties came from the smugglers themselves for looking the other way. If they played ball with him, the criminals and Cass made money. If not, Cass took their property.
He had a reputation for bashing military men, including ex-military. He enjoyed cracking veteran’s heads. Before the war, he had coerced a doctor into classifying Cass as physically unfit for duty and exempt from military service. He was, nevertheless, able to perform his duties as sheriff even if he was unfit to serve his country. He kept a stable of deputies always eager to silence his critics. People who complained regretted it. At the same time, he took special pleasure in harassing and brutalizing the men who’d served in uniform, in sadistic retribution.
Sarah pointed meekly toward the barn, unable to speak. Cass tipped his hat and thanked her. At the open door, he called, “John Albrecht, I know you’re in here, so come out immediately.”
John tossed a shovel aside. He’d seen the sheriff arrive. “What can I do for you, sheriff?”
Cass stood, resting his hand on his pistol grip, “Well, Mr. Albrecht, or should I address you as Sergeant?”
“I’m not in the Army anymore.”
“Well, sir, I always like to be sensitive to a man’s achievements.” The sarcasm was thick.
“Look sheriff, I’m a newspaper man. I was a reporter before the war, and that’s what I returned to. So, what can I help you with?” John tried to remain calm, suspecting what was next.
“Well, sir, I got to investigate a killing.”
John tried to act startled, realizing that Hicks had died. “What can I tell you sheriff?”
“Well, sir, you can start by telling me where you was yesterday mornin’, around seven o’clock.”
The Monarchy
The Russian Monarchy was abolished in 1917 following the February Revolution. Emperor Nicholas II abdicated the throne, which has remained unfilled, but not forgotten, for a century. The question of who is the current Pretender has continued to be somewhat questionable. Today, there remain hundreds of claimants, many who can prove hereditary entitlements to various noble titles, all loosely labeled “White Russian.” They’re spread all over the globe. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and popular disapproval of Russian democratic experiments since the 1980’s, the Whites have renewed hope of returning to their rightful stations, probably under a constitutional monarchy modeled after other successful European examples.
(Prince) Peter Mikhailovich was born in Florida in 1950. His Arch Duke grandfather had been accused of conspiring to murder Grigori Rasputin in 1916, and had been sent to the western front during the war in Europe, which removed him from the persecution suffered by many of his relatives, including his brothers who were executed by the Bolsheviks. Exile in the trenches saved his life. Rather than return home when Russia withdrew from the fighting, Peter’s grandfather had deserted and eventually immigrated to America where he reputedly became wealthy, smuggling booze during prohibition, although it was never proven. He had several children and became a philanthropist later in life.
Peter’s father, Harold, the youngest of four children and the only boy, joined the Marines when he finished high school at the outbreak of WWII. He was wounded and decorated at Guadalcanal, then recovered and continued to fight in the Pacific until the end of the war. Because of his war record and with his father’s financial support, Harold was elected to Congress from Florida in 1947. Peter was Harold’s only son and had two sisters.
Growing up, Peter was mildly aware of his status in line to the Russian throne, but never thought much about it until a private delegation from Russia visited him in the late 1990s, suggesting that he return to Russia to prepare for reclaiming the throne as Tsar. By then, he owned a successful contracting company, the largest residential builder in South Florida. He wasn’t necessarily bored with the business, but the prospect of nobility intrigued him. His interest grew over the next decade after studying the lines of succession, carefully maintained by the unsanctioned Royal Family Association. He went from caring nothing about it before the delegates visited to having an obsession. With the decline in the real estate market in Florida, he divested his assets, protected his wealth and was determined to gain royal status as the Russian economy wavered. Among White Russians, many were some of the wealthiest people in the world and return to a monarchial democracy would allow them to finally, publically, proclaim their status, which had been lost for almost a hundred years.
Peter was the default head of the movement. A secret fund existed for the purpose of igniting populist support for re-writing the Russian constitution, even if another civil war was required to accomplish their goals. But even with their collective wealth, they did not have enough money to accomplish their goals. Ironically, almost prophetically, the wealth of the previous monarchy, Kolchak’s gold, could make it possible. The prospect of this wealth, enflamed by the publicity surrounding recent expeditions to find it, gave the Whites hope of succeeding in their objectives.
Peter found himself as the chairman of a fund of investors with a determination to find the gold. Recent publicity and secret knowledge learned about private ventures aimed at finding it provided motivation to use their “war chest” to beat others to the treasure. Ironically, the project was no more bizarre than their overarching goal of re-establishing the monarchy. Peter had immense secretive resources available to find the bullion before any others.
He was in his office in Miami when his secretary, Rosalia, walked in, “There is a gentleman from Russia on the phone.”
He was expecting the call and waited until Rosalia was out of easy earshot, then picked up the handset, speaking in English, he’d never learned Russian, “Hello, Uri, what did you find out today?”
A deep voice responded, “Hello, Prince Peter, I have been talking to a crew member you know about and he said the search of Lake Baikal failed, the submarine was lost.”
“I’m not surprised”
Uri was a former Russian intelligence officer who did private investigations. He charged high prices for his services, and had no loyalties except to his paying clients. Peter found him quite effective, even though they had never met. Uri preferred to remain anonymous; he may also have used a false name. Peter had had to transfer funds to a numbered account in excess of Uri’s fee
for “expenses” to other people that Uri would not disclose. His information had been accurate in the past: he had proven his worth. It had taken very little time for Uri to discover Gregori Jelavich also looking for the gold. He was the only serious competitor at the moment, according to Uri. Peter was able to find volumes of distasteful information about Jelavich; but, the most disturbing information was his deep involvement with the Russian Mafia. The man was ruthless; he would stop at nothing when he wanted something.
Peter had called a teleconference of the investors when he learned that Jelavich was also on the hunt for Kolchak’s gold. As a result, his plan to expand their effort was approved. As rich as Jelavich was, the Whites had many times more money. One big difference, as Peter contemplated his new charter, was that Jelavich played dirty. The Whites were mostly upstanding citizens of the world. Peter was having to learn to play in the mud. He told Uri, “Bring in more help if you need it, I need to know what he knows, when he first knows it.”
“It would be beneficial to use electronic surveillance.”
“Do whatever you need to do, but don’t get caught.”
His last statement was rhetorical.
Karina
Karina Chuikov was born