CHAPTER XXI.
A POLITICAL DINNER.
Peter had only a month for work after reaching his own conclusions,before the meeting of the convention, but in that month he worked hard.As the result, a rumor, carrying dismay to the party leaders, becamecurrent.
"What's this I hear?" said Gallagher's former interviewer to thatgentleman. "They say Schlurger says he intends to vote for Porter, andKennedy's getting cold?"
"If you'll go through the sixth you'll hear more than that."
"What do you mean?"
"There was a torchlight last night, of nearly every voter in the ward,and nothing but Stirling prevented them from making the three delegatespledge themselves to vote for Porter. He said they must go unbound."
The interviewer's next remark is best represented by several "blankits," no allusion however being intended to bed-coverings. Then he citedthe lower regions to know what it all meant.
"It means that that chap Stirling has got to be fixed, and fixed big. Ithought I knew how to wire pull, and manage men, but he's taken hold andjust runs it as he wants. It's he makes all the trouble."
The interviewer left the court, and five minutes later was in Stirling'soffice.
"My name's Green," he said. "I'm a delegate to the convention, and oneof the committee who has the arranging of the special train andaccommodations at Saratoga."
"I'm glad you came in," said Peter. "I bought my ticket yesterday, andthe man at headquarters said he'd see that I was assigned a room at theUnited States."
"There'll be no trouble about the arrangements. What I want to see youfor, is to ask if you won't dine with me this evening? There's to beseveral of the delegates and some big men there, to talk over thesituation."
"I should like to," said Peter.
The man pulled out a card, and handed it to Peter. "Six o'clock sharp,"he said. Then he went to headquarters, and told the result of his twointerviews. "Now who had better be there?" he asked. After consultation,a dinner of six was arranged.
The meal proved to be an interesting one to Peter. First, he found thatall the guests were well-known party men, whose names and opinions werematters of daily notice in the papers. What was more, they talkedconvention affairs, and Peter learned in the two hours' generalconversation more of true "interests" and "influences" and "pulls" and"advantages" than all his reading and talking had hitherto gained him.He learned that in New York the great division of interest was betweenthe city and country members, and that this divided interest played apart in nearly every measure. "Now," said one of the best known men atthe table, "the men who represent the city, must look out for the city.Porter's a fine man, but he has no great backing, and no matter how wellhe intends by us, he can't do more than agree to such bills as we canget passed. But Catlin has the Monroe members of the legislature underhis thumb, and his brother-in-law runs Onandaga. He promises they shallvote for all we want. With that aid, we can carry what New York Cityneeds, in spite of the country members."
"Would the country members refuse to vote for really good and neededcity legislation?" asked Peter.
"Every time, unless we agree to dicker with them on some country job.The country members hold the interest of the biggest city in thiscountry in their hands, and threaten or throttle those interests everytime anything is wanted."
"And when it comes to taxation," added another, "the country members arealways giving the cities the big end to carry."
"I had a talk with Catlin," said Peter. "It seemed to me that he wasn'tthe right kind of man."
"Catlin's a timid man, who never likes to commit himself. That's becausehe always wants to do what his backers tell him. Of course when a mandoes that, he hasn't decided views of his own, and naturally doesn'twish to express what he may want to take back an hour later."
"I don't like straw men," said Peter.
"A man who takes other people's opinions is not a bad governor, Mr.Stirling. It all depends on whose opinion he takes. If we could find aman who was able to do what the majority wants every time, we couldre-elect him for the next fifty years. You must remember that in thiscountry we elect a man to do what we want--not to do what he wantshimself."
"Yes," said Peter. "But who is to say what the majority wants?"
"Aren't we--the party leaders--who are meeting daily the ward leaders,and the big men in the different districts, better able to know what thepeople want than the man who sits in the governor's room, with adoorkeeper to prevent the people from seeing him?"
"You may not choose to do what the people want."
"Of course. I've helped push things that I knew were unpopular. But thisis very unusual, because it's risky. Remember, we can only do thingswhen our party is in power, so it is our interest to do what will pleasethe people, if we are to command majorities and remain in office.Individually we have got to do what the majority of our party wantsdone, or we are thrown out, and new men take our places. And it's justthe same way with the parties."
"Well," said Peter, "I understand the condition better, and can see whatI could not fathom before, why the city delegates want Catlin. But myown ward has come out strong for Porter. We've come to the conclusionthat his views on the license question are those which are best for us,and besides, he's said that he will stand by us in some food andtenement legislation we want."
"I know about that change, and want to say, Mr. Stirling, that few menof your years and experience, were ever able to do as much so quickly.But there are other sides, even to these questions, which you may nothave yet considered. Any proposed restriction on the license will notmerely scare a lot of saloon-keepers, who will only understand that itsounds unfriendly, but it will alienate every brewer and distiller, fortheir interest is to see saloons multiplied. Then food and tenementlegislation always stirs up bad feeling in the dealers and owners. Ifthe opposite party would play fair, we could afford to laugh at it, butyou see the party out of power can oppose about anything, knowing that aminority is never held responsible, and so by winning over themalcontents which every piece of legislation is sure to make, beforelong it goes to the polls with a majority, though it has really beenopposing the best interests of the whole state. We can't sit still, anddo nothing, yet everything we do will alienate some interest."
"It's as bad as the doctrine of fore-ordination," laughed another of theparty:
"You can't if you will, You can if you won't, You'll be damned if you do, You'll be damned if you don't."
"You just said," stated Peter, "that the man who could do what themajority wants done every time, would be re-elected. Doesn't it holdtrue as to a party?"
"No. A party is seldom retained in power for such reasons. If it has along tenure of office it is generally due to popular distrust of theother party. The natural tendency otherwise is to make office-holding asort of see-saw. Let alone change of opinion in older men, there areenough new voters every four years to reverse majorities in almost everystate. Of course these young men care little for what either party hasdone in the past, and being young and ardent, they want to changethings. The minority's ready to please them, naturally. Reform theycall it, but it's quite as often 'Deform' when they've done it."
Peter smiled and said, "Then you think my views on license, andfood-inspection, and tenement-house regulation are 'Deformities'?"
"We won't say that, but a good many older and shrewder heads have workedover those questions, and while I don't know what you hope to do, you'llnot be the first to want to try a change, Mr. Stirling."
"I hope to do good. I may fail, but it's not right as it is, and I musttry to better it." Peter spoke seriously, and his voice was very clear."I'm glad to have had this talk, before the convention meets. You areall experienced men, and I value your opinions."
"But don't intend to act on them," said his host good-naturedly.
"No. I'm not ready to say that. I've got to think them over."
"If you do that, Mr. Stirling, you'll find we are right. We have notbeen twenty and thirty ye
ars in this business for nothing."
"I think you know how to run a party--but poisoned milk was peddled inmy ward. I went to law to punish the men who sold it. Now I'm going intopolitics to try and get laws and administration which will prevent suchevils. I've told my district what I want. I think it will support me. Iknow you can help me, and I hope you will. We may disagree on methods,but if we both wish the good of New York, we can't disagree on results."Peter stopped, rather amazed himself at the length of his speech.
"What do you want us to do?"
"You say that you want to remain in control. You say you can only do soby majorities. I want you to give this city such a government thatyou'll poll every honest vote on our side," said Peter warmly.
"That's only the generalization of a very young man," said the leader.
Peter liked him all the better for the snub. "I generalized, because itwould make clear the object of my particular endeavors. I want to havethe Health Board help me to draft a food-inspection bill, and I want thelegislature to pass it, without letting it be torn to pieces for thebenefit of special interests. I don't mind fair amendments, but theymust be honest ones."
"And if the Health Board helps you, and the bill is made a law?"
Peter looked Mr. Costell in the face, and spoke quietly: "I shall tellmy ward that you have done them a great service."
Two of the men moved uneasily in their seats, as if not comfortable, anda third scowled.
"And if we can give you some tenement-house legislation?"
"I shall tell my ward that you have done them a great service." Peterspoke in the same tone of voice, and still looked Mr. Costell in theface.
"And if we don't do either?"
"What I shall do then will depend on whether you refuse for a goodreason or for none. In either case I shall tell them the facts."
"This is damned----" began one of the dinner-party, but the lifting ofMr. Costell's hand stopped the speech there.
"Mr. Stirling," said Mr. Costell, rising as he spoke, "I hope when youcome to think it over, that you will vote with us for Catlin. Butwhether you do or not, we want you to work with us. We can help you, andyou can help us. When you are ready to begin on your bills, come and seeme."
"Thank you," said Peter. "That is just what I want." He said good-nightto the company, and left the house.
"That fellow is going to be troublesome," said Green.
"There's no good trying to get anything out of him. Better split withhim at once," said the guest who had used the expletive.
"He can't have any very big hold," said a third. "It's only that trialwhich has given him a temporary popularity."
"Wait and see if he goes back on Catlin, and if he does, lay for him,"remarked Green.
A pause came, and they all looked at Costell, who was smiling a certaindeep smile that was almost habitual with him, and which no one had everyet been able to read. "No," he said slowly. "You might beat him, but heisn't the kind that stays beat. I'll agree to outwit any man inpolitics, except the man who knows how to fight and to tell the peoplethe truth. I've never yet seen a man beaten in the long run who can doboth those, unless he chose to think himself beaten. Gentlemen, thatStirling is a fighter and a truth-teller, and you can't beat him in hisward. There's no use having him against us, so it's our business to seethat we have him with us. We may not be able to get him into line thistime, but we must do it in the long run. For he's not the kind that letsgo. He's beaten Nelson, and he's beaten Gallagher, both of whom are oldhands. Mark my words, in five years he'll run the sixth ward. Drop alltalk of fighting him. He is in politics to stay, and we must make itworth his while to stay with us."