<< 14. Quigley, Tragedy And Hope, p. 133.
<< 15. Quigley, Tragedy And Hope, p. 950.
<< 16. Quigley, Tragedy And Hope, p. 951.
<< 17. Quigley, Tragedy And Hope, p. 951.
<< 18. Quigley, Tragedy And Hope, pp. 951-952.
<< 19. Quigley, Tragedy And Hope, p. 952.
<< 20. Quigley, Tragedy And Hope, pp. 938-939.
<< 21. Quigley, Tragedy And Hope, p. 939.
<< 22. Quigley, Tragedy And Hope, p. 937.
<< 23. Quigley, Tragedy And Hope, p. 952.
<< 24. Quigley, Tragedy And Hope, p. 953.
<< 25. Quigley, Tragedy And Hope, p. 953.
Chapter Five
How the Secret Society Formed a Coalition with the Communist-Socialist Conspiracy Groups
Dr. Quigley bluntly confesses that the International Bankers who had set out to remake the world were perfectly confident that they could use their money to acquire the cooperation and eventual control of the Communist-Socialist conspiratorial groups. In fact, John Ruskin of Oxford had persuaded the original Rhodes-Milner Round Table Groups that the way to federate the world was along socialistic lines, i.e., by having all property, industry, agriculture, communications, transportation, education and political affairs in the hands of a small cadre of financially-controlled political leaders who would organize the world and its peoples in a way which would compel everyone to do what was good for the new, world-society.
It may seem somewhat contradictory that the very people whom Marx identified as the epitome of “Capitalism” should be conspiring with the followers of Marx to overthrow traditional Capitalism and replace it with Socialism. But the record supports the Quigley contention that this is precisely what has been happening. The reason is rather simple.
Power from any source tends to create an appetite for additional power. Power coming from wealth tends to create an appetite for political power and visa versa. It was almost inevitable that the super-rich would one day aspire to control not only their own wealth, but the wealth of the whole world. To achieve this, they were perfectly willing to feed the ambitions of the power-hungry political conspirators who were committed to the overthrow of all existing governments and the establishments of a central world-wide dictatorship along socialist lines.
This, of course, was a risky business for the Anglo-American secret society. The super-rich were gambling on the expectation that when the violence and reconstruction had been completed by the political conspirators, the super-rich would then take over (like Plato’s philosopher-kings, or ruling class), to guide mankind hopefully and compulsively into a whole new era of universal peace and universal prosperity.
To take such a risk, the cadre of the super-rich had to ignore the most elementary aspects of the ferocity of the left-wing conspiratorial mentality. Mao Tse-tung has articulated the basic Communist conviction that political power comes from the barrel of a gun and once they seize control it is their expressed intention to use the gun to prevent the super-rich or anyone else from taking that control away from them.
Nevertheless, the secret society of the London-Wall Street axis elected to take this risk. The master-planners have attempted to control the global conspiratorial groups by feeding them vast quantities of money for their revolutionary work and then financing their opposition if they seemed to be getting out of control. This policy has required the leaders of London and Wall Street to deliberately align themselves with dictatorial forces which have committed crimes against humanity in volume and severity unprecedented in history. It has required them to finance and support international intrigue by the most ruthless kind of political psychopaths.
Studies show that many of these totalitarian political demagogues never would have come to power without the financial support of the super-rich. Studies further show that in many countries where the conspirators have taken over, the people would have risen up and overthrown them years ago if it had not been for the most sinister kind of depraved maneuvering behind the scenes by the agents of these wealthy master planners.
But for all this, Dr. Quigley pleads that these London-Wall Street manipulators had the best of intentions and were really angels in disguise. Here is the way he says it:
“The chief aims of this elaborate, semi-secret organization were largely commendable: to coordinate the international activities and outlooks of the English-speaking world into one (which would largely, it is true, be that of the London group); to work to maintain peace; to help backward, colonial, and underdeveloped areas to advance toward stability, law and order, and prosperity along lines somewhat similar to those taught at Oxford and the University of London (especially the school of Economics and the schools of African and Oriental studies).”1
In this quotation emphasis is added so the reader will not miss Dr. Quigley’s admission that the remaking of the world by the super-rich was to be along the socialist lines taught at those British institutions which look upon global Socialism as the hope of the world.
Dr. Quigley then continues his defense of these men whose record has been growing blacker with each Congressional investigation:
“These organizations and their financial backers were in no sense reactionary or Fascistic persons, as Communist propaganda would like to depict them. Quite the contrary. They were gracious and cultured gentlemen of somewhat limited social experience who were much concerned with the freedom of expression of minorities and the rule of law for all, who constantly thought in terms of Anglo-American solidarity, of political partition and federation, and who were convinced that they could gracefully civilize the Boers of South Africa, the Irish, the Arabs, and the Hindus, and who are largely responsible for the partitions of Ireland, Palestine, and India, as well as the federations of South Africa, Central Africa, and the West Indies.
Their desire to win over the opposition by cooperation worked with Smuts but failed with Hertzog, worked with Gandhi but failed with Menon, worked with Stresemann but failed with Hitler, and has shown little chance of working with any Soviet leader. If their failures now loom larger than their successes, this should not be allowed to conceal the high motives with which they attempted both.”2
Having covered up the sins of his comrades-in-arms with the cloak of good intentions, Dr. Quigley returns to his role of historian:
How the Secret Society Became the Main Support For the Communists
“It was this group of people, whose wealth and influence so exceeded their experience and understanding, who provided much of the framework of influence which the Communist sympathizers and fellow travelers took over in the United States in the 1930’s. It must be recognized that the power that these energetic left-wingers exercised was never their own power or Communist power but was ultimately the power of the international financial coterie....”3
Of course, members of the dynastic banking families had been financing the Russian-oriented revolutionists for many years. Trotsky, in his biography, refers to some of these loans from British financiers going back as far as 1907. By 1917 the major subsidies for the revolution were being arranged by Sir George Buchanan and Lord Alfred Milner (of the Morgan-Rothschild-Rhodes confederacy). Milner, it will be recalled, was the founder of England’s secret “Round Table” group which started the Royal Institute for International Affairs in England and the Council on Foreign Relations in the United States.
One American source gave Trotsky, Lenin and the other Communist leaders around twenty million dollars for the final triumph of Bolshevism in Russia. This was Jacob Schiff of Kuhn, Loeb and Company.4
Other international bankers involved in the financing of the Communist take-over of Russia were Olaf Aschberg of the Nye Banken of Stockholm, the Rhine Westphalian Syndicate, and a wealthy banker named Jivotovsky whose daughter later married Leon Trotsky. However, the chief European funding came from Max Warburg of Germany whose two brothers, Felix and Paul Warburg, had moved to New York. Felix Warburg had become Jacob Schiff’s son-in-law and Paul Warburg beca
me Solomon Loeb’s son-in-law. They both became partners in the Kuhn, Loeb and Company. (Paul Warburg, it will be recalled, had also been the principal promoter of the Federal Reserve System in the United States.)
Between the Warburgs and Schiffs the money flowing to the Communist revolutionaries must have been substantial. Between 1918 and 1922 Lenin is supposed to have sent more than 600 million rubles in gold to Kuhn, Loeb and Company, Schiff’s firm.5
How the American Branch Of the Secret Society Barely Escaped Being Exposed
“... once the anger and suspicions of the American people were aroused, as they were by 1950, it was a fairly simple matter to get rid of the Red sympathizers. [Congressional committee reports show that they didn’t get rid of them at all. The master planners just reshuffled and reassigned them. As soon as the Supreme Court had made shambles of the U.S. internal security laws, the hard-core came out of the woodwork again.] Before this could be done, however, a congressional committee, following backward to their source the threads which led from admitted Communists like Whitaker Chambers, through Alger Hiss, and the Carnegie Endowment to Thomas Lamont and the Morgan Bank, fell into the whole complicated network of the interlocking tax-exempt foundations.
“The Eighty-Third Congress in July 1953 set up a Special Committee to investigate Tax-Exempt Foundations with Representative B. Carroll Reece, of Tennessee, as chairman. It soon became clear that people of immense wealth would be unhappy if the investigation went too far and that the ‘most respected’ newspapers in the country, closely allied with these men of wealth, would not get excited enough about any revelations to make the publicity worthwhile, in terms of votes or campaign contributions. An interesting report showing the Left-wing associations of the interlocking nexus of tax exempt foundations was issued in 1954 rather quietly. Four years later, the Reece Committee’s general counsel, Rene A. Wormser, wrote a shocked, but not shocking book on the subject called Foundations: Their Power and Influence.”6
Rationale Behind the Support Of Communism
“More than fifty years ago the Morgan firm decided to infiltrate the Left-wing political movements in the United States. This was relatively easy to do, since these groups were starved for funds and eager for a voice to reach the people. Wall Street supplied both. The purpose was not to destroy, dominate, or take over but was really threefold: (1) to keep informed about the thinking of Left-wing or liberal groups; (2) to provide them with a mouthpiece so that they could ‘blow off steam,’ and (3) to have a final veto on their publicity and possibly on their actions, if they ever went ‘radical.’ There was nothing really new about this decision, since other financiers had talked about it and even attempted it earlier.”7
“To Morgan all political parties were simply organizations to be used, and the firm always was careful to keep a foot in all camps. Morgan himself, Dwight Morrow, and other partners were allied with the Republicans; Russell C. Leffingwell was allied with the Democrats; Grayson Murphy was allied with the extreme Right; and Thomas W. Lamont was allied with the Left. Like the Morgan interest in libraries, museums, and art, its inability to distinguish between loyalty to the United States and loyalty to England, its recognition of the need for social work among the poor, the multi-partisan political views of the Morgan firm in domestic politics went back to the original founder of the firm, George Peabody (1795-1869).
“To this same seminal figure may be attributed the use of tax-exempt foundations for controlling these activities, as may be observed in many part of America to this day, in the use of Peabody foundations to support Peabody libraries and museums. Unfortunately, we do not have space here for this great and untold story, but it must be remembered that what we do say is part of a much larger picture.”8
Lamont Represented Morgan In Various Communist Projects
“Our concern at the moment is with the links between Wail Street and the Left, especially the Communists. Here the chief link was the Thomas W. Lamont family. This family was in many ways parallel to the Straight family. Tom Lamont had been brought into the Morgan firm, as Straight was several years later, by Henry P. Davison, a Morgan partner from 1909. Lamont became a partner in 1910, as Straight did in 1913. Each had a wife who became a patroness of Leftish causes, and two sons, of which the elder was a conventional banker, and the younger was a Left-wing sympathizer and sponsor.
“In fact, all the evidence would indicate that Tom Lamont was simply Morgan’s apostle to the Left in succession to Straight, a change made necessary by the latter’s premature death in 1918. Both were financial supporters of liberal publications, in Lamont’s case The Saturday Review of Literature, which he supported throughout the 1920’s and 1930’s and the New York Post, which he owned from 1918 to 1924.”9
The Lamonts Helped Set Up Communist Front Organizations
“The chief evidence, however, can be found in the files of the HUAC [House Un-American Activities Committee] which show Tom Lamont, his wife Flora, and his son Corliss as sponsors and financial angels to almost a score of extreme Left organizations, including the Communist Party itself. Among these we need mention only two. One of these was a Communist-front organization, the Trade Union Services, Incorporated, of New York City, which in 1947 published fifteen trade-union papers for various CIO unions.
“Among its officers were Corliss Lamont and Frederick Vanderbilt Field (another link between Wall Street and the Communists). The latter was on the editorial boards of the official Communist newspaper in New York, the Daily Worker, as well as its magazine, The New Masses, and was the chief link between the Communists and the Institute of Pacific Relations in 1929-1947. Corliss Lamont was the leading light in another Communist organization which started life in the 1920’s as the Friends of the Soviet Union, but in 1943 was reorganized, with Lamont as chairman of the board and chief incorporator, as the National Council of American-Soviet Friendship.”10
The Lamonts Defied the U.S. Government In Its Attempt to Expose Their Operations
“During this whole period of over two decades, Corliss Lamont [Tom Lamont’s son], with the full support of his parents, was one of the chief figures in ‘fellow traveler’ circles and one of the chief spokesmen for the Soviet point of view both in these organizations and also in connections which came to him either as son of the most influential man in Wall Street or as professor of philosophy at Columbia University....
“In January, 1946, Corliss Lamont was called before HUAC to give testimony on the National Council of American-Soviet Friendship. He refused to produce records, was subpoenaed, refused, was charged with contempt of Congress, and was so cited by the House of Representatives on June 26, 1946.... The adverse publicity continued, yet when Thomas Lamont rewrote his will, on January 6, 1948, Corliss Lamont remained in it as co-heir to his father’s fortune of scores of millions of dollars.”11
Morgan-Rockefeller-Carnegie Foundations Operated Through the IPR to Push China Into the Communist Camp
“In 1951 the Subcommittee on Internal Security of the Senate Judiciary Committee, the so-called McCarran Committee, sought to show that China had been lost to the Communists by the deliberate actions of a group of academic experts on the Far East and Communist fellow travelers whose work in that direction was controlled and coordinated by the Institute of Pacific Relations (IPR). The influence of the Communists in IPR is well established, but the patronage of Wall Street is less well known.
“The IPR was a private association of ten independent national councils in ten countries concerned with affairs in the Pacific. The headquarters of the IPR and the American Council of IPR were both in New York and were closely associated on an interlocking basis. Each spent about $2.5 million dollars over the quarter-century from 1925 to 1950 of which about half, in each case, came from the Carnegie Foundation and the Rockefeller Foundation (which were themselves interlocking groups controlled by an alliance of Morgan and Rockefeller interests on Wall Street). Much of the rest [of the money], especially of the American Council, came from firms clos
ely allied to these two Wall Street interests, such as Standard Oil, International Telephone and Telegraph, International General Electric, the National City Bank, and the Chase National Bank....
“The financial deficits which occurred each year were picked up by financial angels, almost all with close Wall Street connections. The chief identifiable contributions here were about $60,000 from Frederick Vanderbilt Field over eighteen years, $14,700 from Thomas Lamont over fourteen years, $800 from Corliss Lamont (only after 1947) and $18,000 from a member of Lee, Higginson in Boston who seems to have been Jerome D. Greene.”12
How the IPR Acquired Control Of U.S. Policies In the Far East
“In addition, large sums of money each year were directed to private individuals, for research and travel expenses from similar sources, chiefly the great financial foundations.
“Most of these awards for work in the Far Eastern area required approval or recommendation from members of IPR. Moreover, access to publication and recommendations to academic positions in the handful of great American universities concerned with the Far East required similar sponsorship. And, finally, there can be little doubt that consultant jobs on Far Eastern matters in the State Department or other government agencies were largely restricted to IPR-approved people.
“The individuals who published, who had money, found jobs, were consulted, and who were appointed intermittently to government missions were those who were tolerant of the IPR line. The fact that all these lines of communication passed through the Ivy League universities or their scattered equivalents west of the Appalachians, such as Chicago, Stanford, or California, unquestionably went back to Morgan’s influence in handling large academic endowments.”13