Lines 186-362: Mowbray worries that, even if they can succeed in a peaceful resolution, the king will make their families suffer in the future, but the Archbishop argues that the king has learned that sustaining grievances from generation to generation leads to greater troubles and that he is convinced that the king will "wipe his tables clean / And keep no tell-tale to his memory." Westmorland returns and invites them to meet with Prince John. The prince arrives and, like Westmorland, suggests that the Archbishop has no place in "Turning the word to sword and life to death." The rebels remind Prince John of the list of grievances that they sent him and ask him to "answer them directly." The prince argues that his "father's purposes have been mistook," but promises that "these griefs shall be with speed redressed." He calls for the rebels to discharge their armies, promising that the royal forces will do the same. They all toast each other, and the rebel soldiers are heard cheering the "word of peace." The prince sends Westmorland to discharge the royal army. He returns to report that the prince's men will not leave until they have heard him give the order, just as Hastings returns to announce that the rebel armies have dispersed. Westmorland arrests the rebels for "high treason" and, when they protest, the prince reminds them that he promised to redress their grievances, and that he will do this "with a most Christian care," but that they are traitors to the king and will be executed.
Lines 363-480: Falstaff meets with a rebel knight, Coleville, and persuades him to surrender, relying on his false reputation for having killed Hotspur (seeHenry IV Part I). Prince John and his followers arrive, and the prince accuses Falstaff of keeping out of the way until everything is over. Falstaff argues that he has, with "pure and immaculate valour," taken Coleville prisoner, but the prince remains cynical. Westmorland brings the news that the rebels have retreated, and Prince John sends Coleville to be executed. Falstaff asks permission to go to Gloucester and begs the prince to give a "good report" of him to the court. Prince John agrees, reluctantly, and leaves. Alone, Falstaff muses on the prince's dislike of him, blaming his "sober-blooded" disposition on the fact that he "drinks no wine." He dwells on the faults of those who do not drink, and, through this roundabout and lengthy diatribe, passes negative comment on both the prince and King Henry, who both have "cold blood" and are like "lean, sterile and bare land." He leaves for Gloucester, aiming to get money from Justice Shallow.
ACT 4 SCENE 2
Lines 1-82: Although extremely ill, King Henry talks with Warwick and two of his sons, Clarence and Gloucester, about his plans for a crusade once the rebels are "underneath the yoke of government." He asks after Prince Henry and advises Clarence that, as the brother who is closest to Henry, he must act as guide and mediator to him. He asks why Clarence is not with Henry and learns that he is dining with Poins. The king complains that his son is "overspread" with "weeds," but Warwick argues that "in the perfectness of time" Henry will "Cast off his followers."
Lines 83-228: Westmorland brings news from Prince John that the rebel leaders have been executed and that "peace puts forth her olive everywhere." Harcourt follows, announcing that Northumberland and Lord Bardolph are defeated. Despite his joy, the king grows more unwell. He calls for his crown to be set upon his pillow. Prince Henry arrives and Clarence reports that their father is "Exceeding ill." The others withdraw, leaving Henry with his sleeping father. The prince sees the crown and muses on the pressures of kingship, seeing the crown as a "Golden care" and echoing his father's words in Act 3 Scene 1, as he considers how much sounder common men must sleep without the "pinch" of "majesty." Believing King Henry to be dead, he places the crown on his own head before leaving.
The king wakes and calls for his sons and followers, demanding to know why he has been left alone. Clarence explains that Henry was there. Seeing his crown missing, the king sends Warwick to find Prince Henry, furious at his apparent haste to succeed to the throne. As Warwick searches, the king laments sons who "revolt" against their fathers. Warwick finds Henry weeping in the next room. The prince returns, holding the crown, and the king sends everyone out so that they may speak privately.
Lines 229-379: Angry and disappointed, the king accuses Prince Henry of wishing him dead. He claims that Henry did not need to steal the crown, as it will be his anyway "after some few hours," and laments that he will be leaving his "poor kingdom" in the hands of a sinful, irresponsible king. Deeply moved, Henry replaces the crown on his father's pillow and kneels beside him. He explains that he thought his father had died, and that this thought "struck" his heart "cold." He tells the king of the speech that he made to the crown, rebuking it for placing the burden of care on his father to the extent that it "Hast eat the bearer up." He describes how he put the crown on, not out of greed, but to "try" it as "an enemy," and to test his own response, looking for "pride" or an inclination to enjoy "the might of it." Instead, he feels the same "awe and terror" of any subject in the face of its power.
King Henry asks his son to sit beside him, promising that however "troublesome" the crown sat on his own head, it will "descend with better quiet" upon the prince. Echoing Northumberland's meta-theatrical imagery in Act 1 Scene 1, he describes his reign as "a scene / Acting that argument" of civil war. He describes his own ascension to the throne as "purchased," but argues that it "falls upon" Prince Henry "in a more fairer sort." He warns his son that he is inheriting a troubled kingdom "since griefs are green," and advises him to unite the country through "foreign quarrels." He dwells on "how [he] came by the crown," but the prince reassures him that he "won it, wore it, kept it," and that when he himself inherits it, he will rightfully maintain possession of it. Prince John arrives, accompanied by Warwick, and they take the king to the "Jerusalem chamber," where he wishes to die, having had it prophesied that he "should not die but in Jerusalem."
ACT 5 SCENE 1
Falstaff is greeted by Shallow, who insists that he stay the night. Briefly alone, Falstaff mocks Shallow for his resemblance to his own serving men, observing that "wise bearing or ignorant carriage is caught, as men take diseases...therefore let men take heed of their company," an ironic statement in the light of Prince Henry's forthcoming rejection of Falstaff.
ACT 5 SCENE 2
The Lord Chief Justice and Warwick discuss the death of King Henry IV and their own positions. Warwick agrees that the Lord Chief Justice is right to be concerned as the new king, Henry V, "loves you not." Henry's three brothers arrive and Warwick observes that Henry has the "worst" temperament of all of the old king's sons. The two men worry for the future, fearing that "all will be overturned." The princes, Warwick, and the Lord Chief Justice are discussing their sorrow at recent events, when the new king himself enters. Henry's language reflects the change in his character: he shows humility in his description of how "This new and gorgeous garment majesty" does not sit "easy" on him.
He sees that his brothers are mourning, but also that they seem afraid of him and he reassures them that he intends to look after them: "I'll be your father and your brother too." His listeners seem unconvinced, and the Lord Chief Justice openly acknowledges that he is aware that Henry does not like him. Henry asks why he should, when in the past he has seen fit to "Rate, rebuke, and roughly send to prison / Th'immediate heir of England." The Lord Chief Justice replies that, in the past, he was acting on behalf of "law and justice" in the name of Henry IV. He asks Henry what, under those circumstances, he did wrong. Surprisingly, Henry replies that the Lord Chief Justice was right, and insists that he wishes him to continue in his current role. He gives the Lord Chief Justice his hand and assures them all that although his blood has "flowed in vanity" in the past, it will "flow henceforth in formal majesty," an image which signals a shift in focus from the all-dominating past to a more hopeful future.
ACT 5 SCENE 3
In a moment of bathos, the action focuses on the drunken Falstaff, Shallow, and Silence, the latter of whom keeps bursting into song. They are interrupted by Pistol, who claims that he has important news, but exasperates everyone
by talking nonsense and arguing with Silence. Eventually, he announces that Falstaff's "tender lambkin," Henry, has become king. Falstaff is delighted, describing himself as "fortune's steward" in anticipation of being a favorite of the new king, and calls for Bardolph to saddle their horses. Falstaff's lack of grief at the old king's death and his selfish response to the news show he is incapable of change.
ACT 5 SCENE 4
Hostess Quickly and Doll Tearsheet are manhandled along by two Beadles who have arrested Doll for prostitution. There is comedy in the exchange of insults, but the episode serves to represent a restoration of law and order under the rule of the new king.
ACT 5 SCENE 5
Preparations are under way for the coronation, and Falstaff, Shallow, Bardolph, and Pistol await the arrival of the king. Full of self-importance, Falstaff tells them that he will "make the king do [them] grace," and promises Shallow that he will soon be able to repay the thousand pounds that he has borrowed. Henry V enters, followed by his royal train, and Falstaff calls out to him. Henry does not acknowledge him, instead directing the Lord Chief Justice to "speak to that vain man." When Falstaff persists, Henry responds "I know thee not, old man," and advises him to "Fall to thy prayers." He describes his past existence with Falstaff and the others as a "dream" from which he has woken. He makes it clear that he has "turned away [from his] former self" and, although he will make him an allowance, Henry banishes Falstaff until he reforms his character.
The king and his train leave. Falstaff retains the hope that this is merely "a colour" on the part of Henry, returning to the play's original premise of the distance between words and truth, but Shallow (and the audience) can see that this is not so. As they leave, they are stopped by Prince John and the Lord Chief Justice, who orders that Falstaff and his companions be taken to prison. Despite Falstaff's protests, they are led away, emphasizing the new regime of law and justice under Henry V. The Lord Chief Justice and Prince John discuss the future, foreseeing that the country will soon unite in war against France.
EPILOGUE
The Epilogue provides a lighthearted conclusion as the speaker expresses his hope that the audience approved of the play, and promises that "our humble author will continue the story," outlining some of the events in Henry V.
HENRY IV IN PERFORMANCE:
THE RSC AND BEYOND
The best way to understand a Shakespeare play is to see it or ideally to participate in it. By examining a range of productions, we may gain a sense of the extraordinary variety of approaches and interpretations that are possible--a variety that gives Shakespeare his unique capacity to be reinvented and made "our contemporary" four centuries after his death.
We begin with a brief overview of the theatrical and cinematic life of the two parts of Henry IV, offering historical perspectives on how the two plays have been performed. We then analyze in more detail a series of productions of Henry IV Part II staged over the last half-century by the Royal Shakespeare Company. The sense of dialogue between productions that can only occur when a company is dedicated to the revival and investigation of the Shakespeare canon over a long period, together with the uniquely comprehensive archival resource of promptbooks, program notes, reviews, and interviews held on behalf of the RSC at the Shakespeare Birthplace Trust in Stratford-upon-Avon, allows an "RSC stage history" to become a crucible in which the chemistry of the play can be explored.
We then go to the horse's mouth. Modern theater is dominated by the figure of the director. He or she must hold together the whole play, whereas the actor must concentrate on his or her part. The director's viewpoint is therefore especially valuable. Shakespeare's plasticity is wonderfully revealed when we hear the directors of two highly successful productions answering the same questions in very different ways. And finally, we offer the actor's perspective: a view of the two parts of the play through the eyes of Prince Hal.
FOUR CENTURIES OF HENRY IV: AN OVERVIEW
Henry IV Part I was probably written and performed between 1596 and 1597 with Part II following a year later. The first performances of which records survive were at court in 1612-13 when a total of twenty plays were presented to celebrate the marriage of James I's daughter Elizabeth to Frederick, the Elector of Palatine. They are listed as The Hotspurre and Sir John Falstaffe, and were only later identified as the two parts of Shakespeare's Henry IV. These alternative titles suggest that both were originally seen in terms of their star parts rather than as a political study of kingship with Prince Hal at the center. As scholars and theater historians have pointed out:
That change of emphasis required a change of format. It takes both parts of Henry IV followed by Henry V to make Prince Hal into a fully-fledged hero, or anti-hero, and it was not until the mid-twentieth century that an influential cycle of these plays...was staged in the English theatre.1
Until this point the plays were performed individually and, although Part II was clearly designed as a sequel to Part I--probably in order to capitalize on the enormous and immediate popularity of the first play--there is little evidence to suggest that they were performed in sequence. Numerous contemporary references and reprints of the Quarto editions all point to their popularity and success, however. The writer Nicholas Breton mentions seeing "the play of Ancient Pistol,"2 and Leonard Digges' prefatory poem to the 1640 edition of Shakespeare's poems provides further evidence of their popularity:
... let but Falstaff come,
Hal, Poins, the rest, you scarce shall have a room,
All is so pestered ...
In his commendatory poem to the Folio edition of Beaumont and Fletcher (1647), Sir Thomas Palmer claims he could "tell how long / Falstaff from cracking nuts have kept the throng."
Falstaff was originally played either by company clown Will Kempe or comic actor Thomas Pope, while Prince Hal was almost certainly played by Richard Burbage, the leading tragedian with Shakespeare's acting company, the Lord Chamberlain's (later the King's) Men. John Lowin took over the role of Falstaff: "before the Wars Lowin used to act, with mighty applause Falstaff."3 During the Interregnum from 1642 to 1660 the theaters were technically closed, although various means were employed to get around the prohibition on plays, such as the introduction of music and dancing into sketches from popular plays known as drolls; a collection of twenty-seven of these, The Wits, or Sport Upon Sport, by Francis Kirkman, was published in 1662 with three featuring episodes from Shakespeare's plays, including The Bouncing Knight, or the Robbers Robbed, centered on Falstaff's exploits. The frontispiece illustration places Falstaff and the Hostess in prominent positions.
Henry IV Part I continued to be popular after the Restoration and was one of the first plays performed by Thomas Killigrew's King's Company in 1660. Samuel Pepys' diary records his attendance at no fewer than four performances over the period 1660-68. The play's main attractions were still Hotspur and Falstaff. Thomas Betterton, the great Restoration actor-manager, played Hotspur in 1682, with "wild impatient starts" and "fierce and flashing fire,"4 but in the 1700 revival he took on the role of Falstaff. Thomas Davies records how "the versatility of Betterton's genius was never more conspicuous than in his resigning the choleric Hotspur, in his declining years, and assuming the humour and gaiety of Falstaff, in which he is said to have been full as acceptable to the public as in the former."5 In contrast to most Shakespearean revivals in the period, it underwent relatively few changes apart from textual cuts of long political speeches, the Welsh dialogue and song, and much of the mock trial in the tavern. Betterton's continued popularity as Falstaff was largely responsible for a revival of Part II during the eighteenth century, in which the star turns were Falstaff and Justice Shallow.
In the next generation, James Quin, who had previously played Hotspur and the king, was the most notable Falstaff. David Garrick played Hotspur on five occasions, dressed "in a laced frock and a Ramilie wig,"6 but was plainly unsuited to the role, and the part was taken over by Spranger Barry. One of the theatrical highlights seems to have bee
n Falstaff carrying Hotspur offstage:
No joke ever raised such loud and repeated mirth, in the galleries, as Sir John's labour in getting the body of Hotspur on his back...Quin had little or no difficulty in perching Garrick upon his shoulders, who looked like a dwarf on the back of a giant. But oh! how he tugged and toiled to raise Barry from the ground!7
His successor, John Henderson, reportedly had so much difficulty with his Hotspur that a small gang of "Falstaff's ragamuffins" were used instead to bear the body offstage.8 Other late eighteenth-century Falstaffs included at least one woman, Mrs. Webb, who "excelled in corpulent and grotesque characters" in Norwich in 1786.9
John Philip Kemble played Hotspur at Covent Garden in the early nineteenth century and his brother, Stephen, was one of a number of actors to play Falstaff without padding, although William Hazlitt remarked of his performance, "Every fat man cannot represent a great man."10 The American actor James Henry Hackett played the part in England and America for forty years, and his Hotspurs included John Philip and Charles Kemble, as well as Edmund Kean and William Charles Macready. He received mixed reviews; The Athenaeum reported:
His is the best Falstaff that has been seen for many a day,--which, however, is not saying much for it. But it has positive merits that deserve recognition. He did not...reach the full conception which Shakespeare has here embodied...but he aimed at it, and accomplished much; his soliloquy on honour, in particular, was well delivered, and, take him for all in all, we are disposed to give him a cordial welcome.11
His identification with the role was such that he became known as "Falstaff Hackett."