with the Ministry of Health and that of the Environment. The only key post held by the Algerian tendency was that of the Ministry of the Interior, attributed to an ex-Algerian general who had been responsible for the anti-terrorism department in Algiers before the arrival of the Islamists.
Any manifestation that hinted of a lack of loyalty towards Ibrani’s regime, real or perceived, was instantly and severely reprimanded by the political wing of the special police forces, the RASE, the Regiment Armé de la Securité d’Etat, under the Ministry of the Interior. Those guilty or suspected of such crimes were put into preventive custody on Ile de Porqueroles, then convicted in a parody of justice by Ibrani’s closed courts and exiled to a certain death in the swamps of Casamance in Senegal.
Algharb maintained what could be described on the surface as cordial relations with the states of the Caliphate through representative offices in their capitals. Diplomatic relations and defence were the prerogatives of Paris under the Evian Agreements. However, each of the states of the Caliphate maintained a certain degree of independence in their foreign relations, exchanging treaties of mutual non-interference with foreign governments.
However, extremist movements in the Caliphate and Arabia saw Algharb as the weak underbelly of Europe. They dreamed of a new Andalusia in the Western Mediterranean and sent their moudjahidin to infiltrate Algharb, through religious institutions such as Koranic schools and mosques and seeking to gain influence in Algharb; their ultimate goal was to influence the faithful and draw them away from France.
Ibrani’s closest and most loyal supporter was the head of the special operations and intelligence service of the RASE. Colonel Destouche was one of Ibrani’s Fassi cronies and a boyhood friend from Rabat, who was in fact French. His father had served in the American forces in Morocco after WWII, and his extraordinary adventures inspired his son’s career. He had escaped from occupied France and fought in the British army, then joining the American forces to fight in Korea before finally being rewarded with a civilian posting to Morocco, where he was attached to the US Air force.
The young Destouche held dual nationality; in addition to his French passport he also held US citizenship. After his service in France he joined the US Marines and served in the USA forces, fighting in the Gulf Wars and then attached to the British SAS in Afghanistan, where his knowledge of Islam and Arabic was vital for interrogation of North African Arabs fighting for the Talibans.
He did immediately replied to Ibrani’s call, establishing a corps of Special Forces, putting down insurgents and then directing the shadowy war against the enemies of Ibrani. His most immediate task was against the French, who at the same time were his allies against the fundamentalist Islamic movements, but could not accept seeing Algharb as a model society and a bridgehead of Islam into Western Europe for those who dreamed of a green flag flying over Paris and London.
Meanwhile the struggle against the perceived threat of an Islam that had been transformed into an ideology, on a parallel to war against Communism in the twentieth century, which allowed fundamentalist leaders to manipulate populations in revolt against what was seen as an egoistic and corrupt West, where each person was perceived as a mortal enemy of Islam. It had been used inspire new vitality and legitimacy for the cause of Arab nationalism in its political conflict with the West. Its values were turned to ideological ends to achieve political aims.
America had abandoned its role as the planets law enforcer, it had failed to deal effectively with its enemies in the Middle East and Asia, its had failed to resolve the never-ending Israeli-Palestinian conflict, its armed forces quit their overseas bases and Congress rejected military involvement, except in defence of the homeland, concentrating the nation’s forces to combat aggression at home.
Islam saw its heroes as pious, selfless and courageous Jihadists, dedicated to the defence of their religion and their way of life, defending the word of the Prophet and Islam’s vision of morality and justice. Christianity and democracy meant nothing to them.
The towns and cities of oil producing countries such as Nigeria had become nightmares, images from catastrophic future fiction, rusty refineries rotting in the sun and emitting poisonous chemicals, seventy percent of their populations watched on, helplessly, as their oil was pumped for American consumption, shipped to a people wallowing in wealth built on cheap energy, whilst the poor of Africa fought to survive in filth, dirt and misery.
The population of Cairo had reached twenty five million, for the most part living in extreme misery. However, Cairo remained the intellectual capital of the Arab world, though its film industry was censored by the imams, it was also a great centre of Islam with learned religious leaders. Cairo had changed, from a city where religion had its traditional spiritual place to one of the strictest religious centres of the Caliphate. From the early part of the century Islam became a major political force and was expressed by daily the wearing of veils by an ever-increasing number of young women and beards by young men.
In the Western Caliphate even taking a simple photo became suspect and the unwary photographer could be arrested on the spot and imprisoned for spying or anti-Islamic activities. The Egyptian government, as many Arab governments, had created a multitude of diversions from their internal problems, focusing their attention on the external enemies, Israel and the USA.
The Arabs had long been consumed by deception, rage and even jealousy at the prosperity of the West and above all Israel, too narrow sighted to see that their own problem lay in a system belonging to a past age.
The Interview
They crossed the bridge to the Presidential Palace, the Palais du 1er Juin, a gift from the Nation of France, in gratitude to Algharb and for the eternal friendship between their two peoples. The exact reason for the gratitude was not clear, but certain local wits explained that it was due to the role of Algharb in France’s programme of ethnic restructuring - the ethnic cleansing of its Arab and African population. The palace had been constructed by the French construction company, Bouygues; it was situated across a vast square facing the Grande Mosque, which had also been built by the same company on the orders of Hassan bin Ibrani, for the citizens of Algharb and for the glory of Islam and the Prophet.
It was the greatest mosque outside of the Arab world, its two minarets rose high into the sky, fifty metres higher than the Grand Mosque of Casablanca. It was built on an island, an artificial plateau that dominated the city. The mosque’s prayer spaces could hold one hundred thousand the Prophet’s faithful followers. It reached to upwards to heaven so that Ibrani could converse directly with Allah according to the more disrespectful Algharbis. The mosque was built in white stone that reflected the harsh Mediterranean sunlight whilst the dome, in rose coloured ceramic tiles, sparkled in the light reflected from the sea.
The bridge that joined the island was built in that same noble stone. Both visitors and believers were inspected with the same suspicion and scorn by the presidential guard, composed mainly of veterans of the Turkish-Arab War, at the bridge.
Ennis, after numerous controls and a body search, was finally ushered into the Presidential reception rooms reserved for private audiences. In a vast art deco salon sat Ibrani ensconced behind a magnificent Empire style bureau worthy of his position as Head of State. The usher discreetly glided out leaving Ennis alone with Ibrani who raised himself from his chair pushing on the table as though he had difficulty with his legs. He was a man of medium height, his hair was grey and his face lightly tanned.
His wore a friendly expression, relaxed, perhaps a little tired thought Ennis. He smiled softly to Ennis, putting him at ease, then speaking as though Ennis was a long standing friend, he said, “How are you my friend? Welcome to our country, Jaziirat al Gharb, a strange name n’est ce pas! You know what it means?
Ennis took his hand, disconcerted by the lack of formality from a head of state, he hesitated.
“It Arabic it means the Southern Island. It’s quite appropriate don’t you think? Naturally Pa
ris does not approve. As for myself I sometimes think of it as Al Jaziirat, the Island, which it is after all.”
He pointed to the large armchairs placed before a low table.
“Please sit down. There is no need for formality with me.”
At that instant a boy appeared dressed in a white robe and placed a silver tray bearing an ornate teapot and a plate of oriental pastries on the table.
Ennis was still surprised to find himself in a real tête-à-tête with Ibrani.
“We are alone. I don’t like all of these people around me all the time, they tire me. A little tea?”
He poured the mint tea for Ennis and himself.
“An oriental pastry?”
Ennis carefully selected a corne de gazelle.
“What do think of my country? Feel free to speak openly.”
“Extraordinary,” replied Ennis weakly without reflecting, intimidated by the presence and the reception of Hassan bin Ibrani.
“I will be frank with you John Ennis, though you must excuse my English, I have been told you speak excellent French, even Arabic and understand our local manner of speaking,” he said smiling apologetically. “We need the sympathy of your government and public. We have friends, but new friends are