We dined every evening in the harbour restaurant next to the Bristol. Shura, the debonair man of affairs, always knew at least half the people at the other tables. He was forever up and shaking hands with some fantastic prima donna, some painfully shy écrivain or distinguished member of the Fascist Legion who bore Mussolini’s greatest honour on a discreet lapel. Spanish officers, mostly of the aristocratic class, were as happy as anyone else to pass the time of day with Shura, introducing him as a close confidant of Stavisky, that ‘master rogue’ as the papers would call him as soon as he was safely assassinated. They would enquire after Stavisky’s business exploits and adventures as if they were following a popular serial.
Clearly Stavisky’s power extended further than I had ever guessed. Shura’s claims of watertight political connections (which he guaranteed he would employ to correct my record in France as soon as possible) were entirely authenticated. Through Shura I was privileged to join the inner entourage of a post-war prince, who comprised all the traditional virtues of a great Russian seigneur, an outlaw lord, a man of substance and influence. Stavisky’s empire stretched from the Black Sea to the English Channel and beyond. His decisions determined the fate of small nations and large governments.
Shura was genuinely popular in the port. He never discussed his boss’s affairs in front of me. He always took his colleagues aside for any business exchanges. I think he still felt protective and affectionately sheltered me from the sordid world of politics and commerce. For the moment I was content to rest under his brotherly concern and to indulge myself in his circle’s singularly fine cocaine. As the Bedouin tribesmen had done in the desert, Shura treated me as a kind of mascot. He admired me as a dreamer and an artist. I am not even sure he really believed my stories of my life since I had last seen him, yet he was surprisingly familiar with my screen work and boasted to acquaintances how I had been a Hollywood star. He was, however, amiably reluctant to watch the films that were proof of this. He said he had enjoyed them when they first came out. In the end I would talk to him as one would talk to a cat, for relief and comfort and to sound out ideas, while he listened to me with abstracted good humour much as if a favourite pet made comforting, uninterpretable noises. Occasionally he grew mysteriously irritable with me.
As a matter of urgency my name had to be cleared in France. I must get to London to pick up the papers and money awaiting me with Mr Green, my Uncle Semyon’s agent. Most importantly I must find a way to offer my skills to Mussolini, in whom all my idealism was invested. The newspapers confirmed everything I had guessed. Il Duce brought a dash of romance and tough common sense to politics. Steadfastly he refused to let the forces of international finance and communism dictate his policies as they dictated those of other modern governments. Since my arrival in Tangier, I had read all I could about the great dictator. I had seen him on the newsreels. Enthusiastically I had followed his career, noting how he had healed political divisions in Italy, bringing together a confusion of disparate radical faiths. Socialist, Christian Democrat, nationalist, anarchist, communist, republican and monarchist were united under one coherent Fascist system, tempered in the fires of self-discipline and rigorous military training. What was more, he attracted the most original thinkers and artists of the day. Film-makers, engineers, scientists of every persuasion flocked to Il Duce’s court. The Novecenta was famous as the mecca of modern art. Italian design and engineering presented a flair even the French could not match.
Miss von Bek had described this to me, of course, while crossing the Sahara. I wondered if she had succeeded in reaching Italy, piloting my ‘Bee’, taking news of me to her master even before I arrived?
When I spoke of these ambitions and ideals I was humoured by Shura. I began to feel a small frustration, even though I was still content to rest for a while and play the simple soul he wished me to be. Given that I needed to relax and restore myself, there was no better way than in an exclusive Mediterranean resort while Shura’s business was conducted. I had the pick of the best Palma whores and was left to make friends of both sexes, indulging every desire.
For all my vast and varied experience, I was still a young man of thirty. Moreover, I had gained easy access to an inner brotherhood of power and lechery, in which the most refined sexual appetites were developed and satisfied. I found it difficult to resist these distractions. Consequently, I became well acquainted with a number of Spanish officers, two or three leading Italian Fascists, French entrepreneurs, American playboys. Among the female adventuresses inevitably attracted to this company was a Romanian woman whose willingness to experiment in every sexual variation became dangerous to us both. When I attempted to break off the relationship, she grew persistent in her demands, and when at last I refused, threatened to blackmail me. I confided my dilemma to my old friend, who told me to ignore the woman. She was no threat, he said. As it happened, a day or two later Shura needed me to go with him to Barcelona and keep an eye on the yacht there while he was ashore. When we got back to Andratx she had grown bored and left, we were told, for Marseilles. Only three weeks later she was found dead ‘of heart failure’ on the promenade at St Malo, just across from the fortress. She had been attempting to watch the cricket match which the defiant British always played in full view of the French on the Jersey side. They found a telescope in her hand. There was some talk in the press of her being the employee of a foreign power.
What an exciting time in world politics! Shura told me that when people lost faith in their representatives and leaders they turned to the likes of his boss for some sort of certainty. Stavisky could act and not have to produce forty pages of double-talk first. That’s what people liked about him, just as they liked Mussolini. He could get things done quickly without excessive publicity. ‘When governments need mercenaries to do their work it’s clear to me that the world needs new governments,’ said Boris our cafe friend. And Shura had winked at me.
For all his apparent cynicism, Shura was merely realistic. Stavisky was one of those concerned men of power prepared to stand up to the corrupt forces of big business. At the Bristol there was much talk of returning to old values by new, radical methods — of ‘thinking the unthinkable’ as the phrase went in those days, ‘and forgiving the unforgivable’. Everywhere was chaos. Only ruthless, decisive action could restore society and return nations to their former pre-war stability and prosperity.
This heady talk, the intellectual cut and thrust, was a huge treat for me. In recent months, aside from brief meetings with Rosie von Bek, when we had little time for this sort of conversation, I had known only the pronouncements of a pagan prince and the opinions of an intelligent Negro, neither of whom had been exposed to the main streams of European politics.
Rose von Bek, admittedly, had prepared me for some of the ideas I now encountered, but it was elixir to my soul to hear all the details of what Mussolini was doing for Italy. The communists were ruining Germany, civil war in France was almost inevitable, republicanism was destroying Spain, the union-bankrupted British were effectively a spent force, American neutralism was fuelled by their vast domestic problems, and Stalin threatened the very foundations of Christendom. The old political structures were proving useless in the modern world; party divisions were defeating the very democracy they were supposed to defend, creating only misery and uncertainty. The majority of people were not anyway natural democrats. Careless liberalism was the enemy of everyone, even those it pretended to represent.
I began to spend much of my time with a charming young Spanish officer. Lieutenant Jaime Pujol shared many of my frustrations and much of my idealism. He was a gentle soul forever concerned about the pain of the world. How could we eradicate it? ‘It is not right that people live in uncertainty and terror. Society has failed them. Even the Church is failing them. The left offered them justice and failed to provide it. The right offers stability but at too high a price. Where can they turn? Fear is becoming a way of life in far too many parts of the world, especially in Europe. The p
ower has been torn from the hands of the men of conscience. Gangsters rule everywhere - in Russia, in Germany, in America, and increasingly in Spain. Their “revolutions” are meaningless, self-serving and cruel. They have no religion or morality. But we cannot merely replace one tyranny with another. What’s the answer, my dear Señor Gallibasta? Not all strong leaders are gangsters, surely?’
He mourned both the fall of the old politicians and the fashion among Europe’s crowned heads for abdication. ’They are seized with some kind of collective guilt. They are frightened by what happened to their Tsar. They believe the process towards republicanism is inevitable. Mussolini has proven that idea a he, yet still they continue as if they are responding to the will of the people rather than the will of a tiny minority of leftist zealots. Believe me, Señor Gallibasta, I have every sympathy with their anger and share their understanding of the world’s injustices, but these imbalances must be addressed by men of conscience, not by the politics of envy. How has such a frightful situation come about?’
I was no better equipped than my friend to answer this increasingly familiar question and, like him, could only point to Mussolini. ‘The will of a single individual,’ I said, ‘is what it takes — if his will represents also the will of the nation. Really, it’s all fascism offers - security through unity. But it takes a great man to combine the best ideas from a collection of isms, shape them into a coherent whole and create unity. Unity must be more important than our differences. Unity must be desired by the common will. Unity cannot be imposed from above. Only a very great man can express the public will in a broad, far-ranging programme of dramatic, even revolutionary ideas. Mussolini offers our antidote to the lure of Bolshevism. But believe me, Mussolini is modern Italy as Hindenburg can never be modern Germany. Old Hindenburg lacks the common touch. Rhetoric is simply not enough. We need action. Even the best-intentioned professional politicians and soldiers are divorced from those they represent. Today’s leaders have to be men of the people who can reach across divisions and shake hands with an experienced ruling class, headed by a modern, socially concerned monarch, and arrive at a compromise which satisfies and benefits all. Italy unites her people in a common purpose to establish the rule of law and appeal to the selfless sense of community which lies within us. And the Church must help.’
Pujol’s passionate idealism might seem strange to the contemporary listener, but in those days we were desperately looking for certainties in a dangerously uncertain world. Fascism offered those certainties. The pure form was a response to the soul’s yearning and to honest, human needs.
‘To fight Stalin,’ I suggested, ‘we need a champion of the same metal. And with one exception we have only pygmies. The planet is crying out for a paladin, for some new Charlemagne, to drag Christendom from the Dark Ages. Or are we too far degenerated into chaos to be rescued?’
Lieutenant Pujol passionately hoped that this was not the case. It was the duty of men of conscience to discover such leaders and give them the power they needed to restore a new world order.
We talked often of such matters. Many of the Italians in Majorca seemed reluctant to discuss the ideas and ideals of Fascism, except in a very general way. These were the individuals burdened with the task of making the national dream a continuing reality. They were sober about the practicalities of their task. They admitted, however, that Mussolini was a singular force, the driving inspiration behind their movement. Most of the men we met were regional ras, or governors, without much direct contact with Rome and unrepresentative of the intellectual wing of their party. They were on vacation from their considerable responsibilities, so we did not press them. For a while they were here to enjoy the simple beauties of the island and escape their cares.
During that season, we made the social rounds of the various yachts. Gradually I became part of a set whose relish for politics was as considerable as its pursuit of pleasure. The nightmares of my life in the Middle East and North Africa were put behind me. My scars might never disappear, but at least my wounds were healing. The atrocities and humiliations I had suffered had tempered me in the fires of experience, given me a subtler understanding of the world and those who suffered in it. Perhaps this is how God chooses to educate those He favours?
My trials had invested me with a kind of clear-sighted innocence which some of my new friends chose to take as simple-mindedness. They did not always treat my contributions to the conversation very seriously, but I was content to be their Simplicissimus while it suited me. The ease of Majorcan life was hugely rejuvenating for one subjected to such horrors and hardships in the past couple of years. I had been forced to live an almost feral existence. Now I had rediscovered the European way of life I had lost and almost forgotten. It was a joy to experience again, although I still felt the occasional pang, missing my Esmé who, in the old days, had shared so much of my social round. To have had a sophisticated woman like Rosie von Bek at my side would have done much to make those occasions perfect.
Of course, we knew who had made money out of the War and who was still making money. We knew that the real villain was international finance which was bent on centralising its operations in New York (or New Jerusalem as we called it), controlling a secret empire more powerful even than Stalin’s, with which it had well-defined links. Alone, Mussolini was not strong enough to challenge Stalin, but if Il Duce were to gather some strong European allies to him, we knew that a pre-emptive strike on Moscow would be possible. We needed to pull society’s disparate forces together and turn them into one mighty modern social machine which benefited all, not just a few rich businessmen who drained our nations of their wealth and hid it in Swiss banks. We believed education would raise the consciousness of the masses, but we had been wrong. Now people must be disciplined into putting the common interest before their own short-sighted greed.
I was to appreciate later how thoroughly Majorca helped in my restoration. I still revisit my old haunts occasionally. Mrs Cornelius takes the OAP specials to Palma Nova and sometimes I go with her. I would stay in Port d’Andratx if I could, but it is so expensive now. I am forced to rub shoulders with lager-swilling ‘tomatoes’ as the locals call the English. I, of course, do everything to maintain my standards. I always wear a good linen suit and a panama. When Mrs Cornelius prefers to spend time on the beach or in the pubs, I take cultural bus trips. I called on Graves, last time I was there. I only had about an hour before the bus left Deya, which is nothing but Germans now. Apparently Graves wasn’t in. I hear these days he’s a slave to marijuana. This has happened to several of the intellectuals who remained. Others left for Ibiza or Formentera. But before its vulgarisation the island was to prove a benign friend to European gentle people.
During the time I was with Lieutenant Pujol, Shura came and went from the harbour. Very infrequently Shura asked me to join him on Les Bon’ Temps and remain aboard to check periodically with the radio operator while my cousin made a visit ashore. Stavisky kept a permanent hotel suite at the Bristol and while we were in port we used it, transferring from our cabins on the yacht to the suite. We lived like kings. Because of his old wound, Shura was fond of morphine and marijuana as well as cocaine, and he was a great drinker, but I lacked his capacity. Meanwhile, and I do not remember how, I again became known by my Odessa nickname, translated into French as ‘the Colonel’ or ‘the Cossack’, and because this gave me a frisson of secure familiarity I did not object, even though it did not go especially well with my new nom de guerre. Of course, there were few who believed me a native-born son of Spain. Many accepted me for what I actually was — a Russian aristocrat preferring not to use his title and so reveal his true ancestry. I had many reasons for keeping quiet about such things in those days. I had become used to a certain kind of anonymity.
Imagine, therefore, the considerable shock to me one morning when, having rowed myself from the yacht to the quayside, still a little bleary, I walked up the cobbled lane to the bakers for my usual cup of coffee and croissant and he
ard, as if from nowhere, someone shout: ‘Max! Max Pyatnitski! Still in the airship business?’ I detected mockery in the tone.
Had Brodmann found me at last? Feeling sick, I turned, seeking the source of what was surely my nemesis.
* * * *
SIX
There are patterns to our universe. Patterns so vast and at the same time so minuscule that we rarely detect them. They present a problem of unimaginable scale. If we could detect them they could explain the mysterious movement of all creatures across the face of the planet. I am convinced that physically or spiritually, though quite unconsciously, men and women of a particular disposition travel broadly similar routes. Those of us who move about the world and are active in its business know how coincidences occur in life far more than in fiction. Cautious, incurious people after all rarely travel. As in Malory, when one bumps into a fellow knight errant, another Seeker of the Grail, one might well greet him with joy, but with only a modicum of astonishment.