speech, and all the necessary air of conversation, which our common
education is so defective in that I need not expose it. They should
be brought to read books, and especially history, and so to read as
to make them understand the world, and be able to know and judge of
things when they hear of them.
To such whose genius would lead them to it I would deny no sort of
learning: but the chief thing in general is to cultivate the
understandings of the sex, that they may be capable of all sorts of
conversation; that, their parts and judgments being improved, they
may be as profitable in their conversation as they are pleasant.
Women, in my observation, have little or no difference in them but
as they are, or are not, distinguished by education. Tempers indeed
may in some degree influence them, but the main distinguishing part
is their breeding.
The whole sex are generally quick and sharp; I believe I may be
allowed to say generally so; for you rarely see them lumpish and
heavy when they are children, as boys will often be. If a woman be
well bred, and taught the proper management of her natural wit, she
proves generally very sensible and retentive; and, without
partiality, a woman of sense and manners is the finest and most
delicate part of God's creation, the glory of her Maker, and the
great instance of His singular regard to man (His darling creature),
to whom He gave the best gift either God could bestow or man
receive; and it is the most sordid piece of folly and ingratitude in
the world to withhold from the sex the due lustre which the
advantages of education gives to the natural beauty of their minds.
A woman well bred and well taught, furnished with the additional
accomplishments of knowledge and behaviour, is a creature without
comparison; her society is the emblem of sublimer enjoyments; her
person is angelic, and her conversation heavenly; she is all
softness and sweetness, peace, love, wit, and delight; she is every
way suitable to the sublimest wish, and the man that has such a one
to his portion has nothing to do but to rejoice in her, and be
thankful.
On the other hand, suppose her to be the very same woman, and rob
her of the benefit of education, and it follows thus:
If her temper be good, want of education makes her soft and easy.
Her wit, for want of teaching, makes her impertinent and talkative.
Her knowledge, for want of judgment and experience, makes her
fanciful and whimsical.
If her temper be bad, want of breeding makes her worse, and she
grows haughty, insolent, and loud.
If she be passionate, want of manners makes her termagant and a
scold, which is much at one with lunatic.
If she be proud, want of discretion (which still is breeding) makes
her conceited, fantastic, and ridiculous.
And from these she degenerates to be turbulent, clamorous, noisy,
nasty, and "the devil."
Methinks mankind for their own sakes (since, say what we will of the
women, we all think fit one time or other to be concerned with them)
should take some care to breed them up to be suitable and
serviceable, if they expected no such thing as delight from them.
Bless us! what care do we take to breed up a good horse, and to
break him well! And what a value do we put upon him when it is
done!--and all because he should be fit for our use. And why not a
woman?--since all her ornaments and beauty, without suitable
behaviour, is a cheat in nature, like the false tradesman who puts
the best of his goods uppermost, that the buyer may think the rest
are of the same goodness.
Beauty of the body, which is the women's glory, seems to be now
unequally bestowed, and nature (or, rather, Providence) to lie under
some scandal about it, as if it was given a woman for a snare to
men, and so make a kind of a she-devil of her: because, they say,
exquisite beauty is rarely given with wit, more rarely with goodness
of temper, and never at all with modesty. And some, pretending to
justify the equity of such a distribution, will tell us it is the
effect of the justice of Providence in dividing particular
excellences among all His creatures, "Share and share alike, as it
were," that all might for something or other be acceptable to one
another, else some would be despised.
I think both these notions false; and yet the last, which has the
show of respect to Providence, is the worst; for it supposes
Providence to be indigent and empty, as if it had not wherewith to
furnish all the creatures it had made, but was fain to be
parsimonious in its gifts, and distribute them by piece-meal, for
fear of being exhausted.
If I might venture my opinion against an almost universal notion, I
would say most men mistake the proceedings of Providence in this
case, and all the world at this day are mistaken in their practice
about it. And, because the assertion is very bold, I desire to
explain myself.
That Almighty First Cause which made us all is certainly the
fountain of excellence, as it is of being, and by an invisible
influence could have diffused equal qualities and perfections to all
the creatures it has made, as the sun does its light, without the
least ebb or diminution to Himself; and has given indeed to every
individual sufficient to the figure His providence had designed him
in the world.
I believe it might be defended if I should say that I do suppose God
has given to all mankind equal gifts and capacities, in that He has
given them all souls equally capable; and that the whole difference
in mankind proceeds either from accidental difference in the make of
their bodies, or from the foolish difference of education.
1. FROM ACCIDENTAL DIFFERENCE IN BODIES.--I would avoid discoursing
here of the philosophical position of the soul in the body: but if
it be true, as philosophers do affirm, that the understanding and
memory is dilated or contracted according to the accidental
dimensions of the organ through which it is conveyed, then, though
God has given a soul as capable to me as another, yet if I have any
natural defect in those parts of the body by which the soul should
act, I may have the same soul infused as another man, and yet he be
a wise man and I a very fool. For example, if a child naturally
have a defect in the organ of hearing, so that he could never
distinguish any sound, that child shall never be able to speak or
read, though it have a soul capable of all the accomplishments in
the world. The brain is the centre of the soul's actings, where all
the distinguishing faculties of it reside; and it is observable, a
man who has a narrow contracted head, in which there is not room for
the due and necessary operations of nature by the brain, is never a
man of very great judgment; and that proverb, "A great head and
little wit," is not meant by nature, but is a reproof upon sloth; as
if one should, by way of wonder say, "Fie, fie, you that have a
great head have but lit
tle wit; that's strange! that must certainly
be your own fault." From this notion I do believe there is a great
matter in the breed of men and women; not that wise men shall always
get wise children: but I believe strong and healthy bodies have the
wisest children; and sickly, weakly bodies affect the wits as well
as the bodies of their children. We are easily persuaded to believe
this in the breeds of horses, cocks, dogs, and other creatures; and
I believe it is as visible in men.
But to come closer to the business; the great distinguishing
difference which is seen in the world between men and women is in
their education; and this is manifested by comparing it with the
difference between one man or woman and another.
And herein it is that I take upon me to make such a bold assertion,
that all the world are mistaken in their practice about women: for
I cannot think that God Almighty ever made them so delicate, so
glorious creatures, and furnished them with such charms, so
agreeable and so delightful to mankind, with souls capable of the
same accomplishments with men, and all to be only stewards of our
houses, cooks, and slaves.
Not that I am for exalting the female government in the least: but,
in short, I would have men take women for companions, and educate
them to be fit for it. A woman of sense and breeding will scorn as
much to encroach upon the prerogative of the man as a man of sense
will scorn to oppress the weakness of the woman. But if the women's
souls were refined and improved by teaching, that word would be
lost; to say, "the weakness of the sex," as to judgment, would be
nonsense; for ignorance and folly would be no more to be found among
women than men. I remember a passage which I heard from a very fine
woman; she had wit and capacity enough, an extraordinary shape and
face, and a great fortune, but had been cloistered up all her time,
and, for fear of being stolen, had not had the liberty of being
taught the common necessary knowledge of women's affairs; and when
she came to converse in the world her natural wit made her so
sensible of the want of education that she gave this short
reflection on herself:
"I am ashamed to talk with my very maids," says she, "for I don't
know when they do right or wrong: I had more need go to school than
be married."
I need not enlarge on the loss the defect of education is to the
sex, nor argue the benefit of the contrary practice; it is a thing
will be more easily granted than remedied: this chapter is but an
essay at the thing, and I refer the practice to those happy days, if
ever they shall be, when men shall be wise enough to mend it.
OF A COURT MERCHANT.
I ask pardon of the learned gentlemen of the long robe if I do them
any wrong in this chapter, having no design to affront them when I
say that in matters of debate among merchants, when they come to be
argued by lawyers at the bar, they are strangely handled. I myself
have heard very famous lawyers make sorry work of a cause between
the merchant and his factor; and when they come to argue about
exchanges, discounts, protests, demurrages, charter-parties,
freights, port-charges, assurances, barratries, bottomries, accounts
current, accounts in commission, and accounts in company, and the
like, the solicitor has not been able to draw a brief, nor the
counsel to understand it. Never was young parson more put to it to
make out his text when he is got into the pulpit without his notes
than I have seen a counsel at the bar when he would make out a cause
between two merchants. And I remember a pretty history of a
particular case, by way of instance, when two merchants, contending
about a long factorage account, that had all the niceties of
merchandising in it, and labouring on both sides to instruct their
counsel, and to put them in when they were out, at last they found
them make such ridiculous stuff of it that they both threw up the
cause and agreed to a reference, which reference in one week,
without any charge, ended all the dispute, which they had spent a
great deal of money in before to no purpose.
Nay, the very judges themselves (no reflection upon their learning)
have been very much at a loss in giving instructions to a jury, and
juries much more to understand them; for, when all is done, juries,
which are not always, nor often indeed, of the wisest men, are, to
be sure, in umpires in causes so nice that the very lawyer and judge
can hardly understand them.
The affairs of merchants are accompanied with such variety of
circumstances, such new and unusual contingencies, which change and
differ in every age, with a multitude of niceties and punctilios
(and those, again, altering as the customs and usages of countries
and states do alter), that it has been found impracticable to make
any laws that could extend to all cases. And our law itself does
tacitly acknowledge its own imperfection in this case, by allowing
the custom of merchants to pass as a kind of law in cases of
difficulty.
Wherefore it seems to me a most natural proceeding that such affairs
should be heard before, and judged by, such as by known experience
and long practice in the customs and usages of foreign negotiation
are of course the most capable to determine the same.
Besides the reasonableness of the argument there are some cases in
our laws in which it is impossible for a plaintiff to make out his
case, or a defendant to make out his plea; as, in particular, when
his proofs are beyond seas (for no protests, certifications, or
procurations are allowed in our courts as evidence); and the damages
are infinite and irretrievable by any of the proceedings of our
laws.
For the answering all these circumstances, a court might be erected
by authority of Parliament, to be composed of six judges
commissioners, who should have power to hear and decide as a court
of equity, under the title of a "Court Merchant."
The proceedings of this court should be short, the trials speedy,
the fees easy, that every man might have immediate remedy where
wrong is done. For in trials at law about merchants' affairs the
circumstances of the case are often such as the long proceedings of
courts of equity are more pernicious than in other cases; because
the matters to which they are generally relating are under greater
contingencies than in other cases, as effects in hands abroad, which
want orders, ships, and seamen lying at demurrage and in pay, and
the like.
These six judges should be chosen of the most eminent merchants of
the kingdom, to reside in London, and to have power by commission to
summon a council of merchants, who should decide all cases on the
hearing, of both parties, with appeal to the said judges.
Also to delegate by commission petty councils of merchants in the
most considerable ports of the kingdom for the same purpose.
The six judges themselves to be only judges of appeal; all trial
s to
be heard before the council of merchants by methods and proceedings
singular and concise.
The council to be sworn to do justice, and to be chosen annually out
of the principal merchants of the city.
The proceedings here should be without delay; the plaintiff to
exhibit his grievance by way of brief, and the defendant to give in
his answer, and a time of hearing to be appointed immediately.
The defendant by motion shall have liberty to put off hearing upon
showing good cause, not otherwise.
At hearing, every man to argue his own cause if he pleases, or
introduce any person to do it for him.
Attestations and protests from foreign parts, regularly procured and
authentically signified in due form, to pass in evidence; affidavits
in due form likewise attested and done before proper magistrates
within the king's dominions, to be allowed as evidence.
The party grieved may appeal to the six judges, before whom they
shall plead by counsel, and from their judgment to have no appeal.
By this method infinite controversies would be avoided and disputes
amicably ended, a multitude of present inconveniences avoided, and
merchandising matters would in a merchant-like manner be decided by
the known customs and methods of trade.
OF SEAMEN.
It is observable that whenever this kingdom is engaged in a war with
any of its neighbours two great inconveniences constantly follow:
one to the king and one to trade.
1. That to the king is, that he is forced to press seamen for the
manning of his navy, and force them involuntarily into the service:
which way of violently dragging men into the fleet is attended with
sundry ill circumstances, as:
(1.) Our naval preparations are retarded, and our fleets always
late for want of men, which has exposed them not a little, and been
the ruin of many a good and well-laid expedition.
(2.) Several irregularities follow, as the officers taking money to
dismiss able seamen, and filling up their complement with raw and
improper persons.
(3.) Oppressions, quarrellings, and oftentimes murders, by the
rashness of press-masters and the obstinacy of some unwilling to go.
(4.) A secret aversion to the service from a natural principle,
common to the English nation, to hate compulsion.
(5.) Kidnapping people out of the kingdom, robbing houses, and
picking pockets, frequently practised under pretence of pressing, as
has been very much used of late.
With various abuses of the like nature, some to the king, and some
to the subject.
2. To trade. By the extravagant price set on wages for seamen,
which they impose on the merchant with a sort of authority, and he
is obliged to give by reason of the scarcity of men, and that not
from a real want of men (for in the height of a press, if a
merchant-man wanted men, and could get a protection for them, he
might have any number immediately, and none without it, so shy were
they of the public service).
The first of these things has cost the king above three millions
sterling since the war, in these three particulars:
1. Charge of pressing on sea and on shore, and in small craft
employed for that purpose.
2. Ships lying in harbour for want of men, at a vast charge of pay
and victuals for those they had.
3. Keeping the whole navy in constant pay and provisions all the
winter, for fear of losing the men against summer, which has now
been done several years, besides bounty money and other expenses to
court and oblige the seamen.
The second of these (viz., the great wages paid by the merchant) has
cost trade, since the war, above twenty millions sterling. The coal
trade gives a specimen of it, who for the first three years of the
war gave 9 pounds a voyage to common seamen, who before sailed for